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A guerra civil finlandesa[nb 1] foi un conflito polo liderado e control de Finlandia durante o período de transición que viviu o país desde que deixou de ser un Gran Ducado do Imperio ruso para converterse nun estado independente. O enfrontamento tivo lugar no contexto da axitación nacional, política e social causada pola primeira guerra mundial e a revolución rusa de 1917. Dun lado se encontraban as forzas socialdemócratas, dirixidas pola delegación popular de Finlandia, comunmente coñecidos como «vermellos» (punaiset). Doutro lado se encontraban as forzas do senado, controladas desde o outono anterior polos conservadores —que pretendían manter o statu quo; é dicir, conservar a independencia e a monarquía constitucional sen parlamentarismo—, popularmente coñecidos como «brancos» (valkoiset). As forzas paramilitares dos Gardas Vermellos, compostas por traballadores industriais e agrarios, controlaron as cidades e os centros industriais do sur de Finlandia. Pola súa banda, as forzas dos Gardas Brancos, compostas por granxeiros e outros membros das clases sociais media e alta, controlaban o rural no centro e norte do país.

Guerra civil finlandesa
Parte de Primeira guerra mundial e Revolucións de 1917-1923
Folkets hus brinner.jpg
Queima da Casa dos Traballadores da Garda Vermella durante o ataque do exército alemán e a Garda Branca a Helsinqui
Data 27 de xaneiro-15 de maio de 1918
Lugar Finlandia
Resultado Finlandia Vitoria branca.
Rusia se retira militarmente de Finlandia.[1]
Hexemonía alemá ata decembro de 1918.
Profunda brecha entre os finlandeses, que se pecharía paulatinamente.
Belixerantes
Finlandia Garda Branca
Finlandia Jägers finlandeses
Alemaña Imperio alemán
Voluntarios suecos, estonianos[2] e polacos
Unión Soviética Garda Vermella
Rusia República Socialista Federativa Soviética de Rusia
Líderes
Finlandia C.G.E. Mannerheim
Finlandia Ernst Linder
Finlandia Karl Fredrik Wilkama
Finlandia Hjalmar Frisell
Alemaña Rüdiger von der Goltz
Alemaña Hugo Meurer
Unión Soviética Ali Aaltonen
Unión Soviética Eero Haapalainen
Unión Soviética Eino Rahja
Unión Soviética Kullervo Manner
Unión Soviética Adolf Taimi
Unión Soviética Evert Eloranta
Unión Soviética Kullervo Manner
Unión Soviética Verner Lehtimäki
Forzas en combate
80 000-90 000 fineses,[3] 13 000 soldados imperiais alemáns,[3] 500-1000 voluntarios suecos[4] e 1737 voluntarios da Lexión Polaca[5] 80 000-90 000 finlandeses e 4000-10 000 soldados do desaparecido Exército Imperial ruso[3]
Baixas
3414 finlandeses e 450-500 alemáns mortos en combate, 1400-1650 executados, 46 desaparecidos e 4 mortos nos campos de concentración[6] 5199 finlandeses e 900-1000 rusos mortos en combate, 7000-10 000 finlandeses e 550-600 rusos executados, 2000 desaparecidos e 11 000-13 500 mortos en campos de concentración[6]

Nos anos anteriores ao conflito, a sociedade finlandesa experimentara un grande crecemento da poboación, unido a industrialización, pre-urbanización e o incremento dun exhaustivo movemento obreiro. Os sistemas políticos e gobernamentais do país estaban aínda nunha fase inestable de modernización e democratización. As condicións socioeconómicas e de educación na poboación melloraban de xeito gradual, así como o pensamento nacional e a vida cultural despertaron.

A primeira guerra mundial deu lugar ao colapso do Imperio ruso, provocando un baleiro de poder no Gran Ducado de Finlandia. A subsecuente loita polo poder levou á militarización e escalada da crise entre o movemento obreiro de esquerdas e os conservadores. Os Vermellos levaron a cabo sen éxito unha ofensiva ne febreiro de 1918, co apoio da Rusia soviética. A contraofensiva dos Brancos comezou en marzo, recibindo o apoio militar do imperio alemán desde abril. Os enfrontamentos decisivos foron as batallas de Tampere e Viborg (finés: Viipuri; sueco: Viborg), gañadas polos Brancos, e as batallas de Helsinqui e Lahti, gañada polas tropas alemás, o que deu lugar a vitoria dos Brancos e as forzas alemás na contenda. A violencia política tamén formou parte do enfrontamento. Arredor de 12 500 prisioneiros de guerra Vermellos morreron de mal-nutrición e enfermidades nos campos de prisioneiros. Arredor de 39 000 persoas, das cales 36 000 eran finlandeses, morreron no conflito.

Finlandia pasou de estar na esfera de influencia rusa á alemá. O senado conservador intentou establecer unha monarquía finlandesa, cun rei alemán: o príncipe Federico Carlos de Hesse-Kassel, pero, tras a derrota alemá na Gran Guerra, Finlandia emerxeu como unha república democrática independente.[9][10][11][12][13]

A guerra civil segue sendo o evento máis controvertido e emocional na historia da Finlandia moderna, e existiron disputas sobre o nome que debía darse ao conflito.[14][15][16] A guerra dividiu o aparato político e á nación finlandesa durante moitos anos, aínda que finalmente logrouse chegar á cohesión a través de compromisos sociais baseados na moderación política e relixiosa, así como grazas á recuperación económica que viviu o país tras a pos-guerra.[17]

Índice

AntecedentesEditar

 
Un mapa do Gran Ducado de Finlandia en 1825. Os textos están en ruso e sueco.

Políticas internacionaisEditar

O principal factor detrás da guerra civil finlandesa foi a crise xurdida como consecuencia da primeira guerra mundial. Baixo a presión da Gran Guerra, o imperio ruso colapsou, dando lugar ás Revolucións de Febreiro e Outubro de 1917. Isto provocou un baleiro de poder e a subsecuente loita polo poder na Europa Oriental. O Gran Ducado de Finlandia, que pertencera ao Imperio ruso entre 1809 e 1917, quedou inmerso nese caos. Con menor importancia xeopolítica que a ruta Moscova-Varsovia, Finlandia, illada polo mar Báltico foi un lugar relativamente tranquilo ata comezos de 1918. A guerra entre o imperio alemán e Rusia tan só tivera efectos indirectos sobre o pobo finlandés. Desde finais do século XIX, o Gran Ducado convertérase nunha importante fonte de materias primas, produtos industriais, comida e man de obra para a crecente capital imperial rusa, San Petersburgo, e a primeira guerra mundial resaltou ese papel. Estratexicamente, o territorio finlandés era a parte de menor importancia da entrada estoniano-finlandesa e zona de amortiguamento para e de San Petersburgo a través da área de Narva, o golfo de Finlandia e o istmo de Carelia.[18][19][20][21][22]

O imperio alemán vía a Europa oriental, e principalmente a Rusia, como unha gran fonte de materias primas e produtos vitais, tanto durante a primeira guerra mundial como no futuro. Alemaña estaba explotando os seus recursos ao máximo nunha guerra con dúas frontes, e tratou de dividir a Rusia dando apoio financeiro aos grupos revolucionarios, como os bolxeviques e o Partido Social-Revolucionario, e as faccións radicais e separatistas, como o movemento activista nacional finlandés de tendencia pro-xermánica. Empregáronse entre 30 e 40 millóns de marcos neste obxectivo. O control da área finlandesa permitiría ao exército imperial alemán penetrar en Rusia ata Petrogrado e a península de Kola, unha rexión rica en materias primas para a industria mineira. Finlandia posuía grandes reservas de minerais e unha industria forestal ben desenvolvida.[18][19][23][20][24][25][21][22][26]

Entre 1809 e 1898, no período coñecido como Pax Russica, a autoridade periférica dos finlandeses aumentou gradualmente, e as relacións ruso-finlandesas foron excepcionalmente pacíficas en comparación con outras partes do Imperio ruso. A derrota de Rusia na guerra de Crimea na década de 1850, deu lugar a varios intentos de acelerar a modernización do país. Isto causou máis de 50 anos de progreso económico, industrial, cultural e educativo no Gran Ducado de Finlandia, incluíndo unha mellora no status da lingua finesa. Todo isto estimulou o nacionalismo finlandés e a unidade cultural a través da creación do movemento Fennoman, que limitaba aos finlandeses á administración local e deu lugar á idea de que o Gran Ducado era un estado cada vez máis autónomo no Imperio ruso.[27][28][29][16][30][31][32][22]

En 1899, o Imperio ruso comezou unha política de integración a través da rusificación de Finlandia. O fortalecido poder central pan-eslavista tratou de unificar a "Unión Dinástica Multinacional rusa" a medida que a situación estratéxica e militar de Rusia se vía en maior perigo debido ao crecemento de Alemaña e o Xapón. Os finlandeses chamaron a este período de maior control militar e administrativo como "o primeiro período da opresión" e, por primeira vez, os políticos finlandeses deseñaron plantes para a desconexión con Rusia ou a soberanía para Finlandia. Na loita en contra da integración, activistas de varias seccións da clase obreira e a intelligentsia sueco-falante levaron a cabo varios actos terroristas. Durante a primeira guerra mundial e o aumento do xermanismo, os pro-suecos, coñecidos como Svecomans, comezaron a súa colaboración encuberta coa Alemaña imperial e, desde 1915 ata 1917, un batallón Jäger formado por 1 900 voluntarios finlandeses recibiu adestramento en Alemaña.[20][33][34][30][35][36][25][37][22][38]

Políticas domésticasEditar

Entre as principais razóns do incremento das tensións políticas entre os finlandeses estaban o goberno autocrático do tsar de Rusia e o sistema de clases non democrático dos estamentos. O sistema estamental orixinouse baixo o réxime do imperio sueco que gobernou sobre Finlandia antes da conquista por parte de Rusia e dividía á poboación economicamente, socialmente e politicamente. A poboación finlandesa creceu rápidamente durante o século XIX (dos 860 000 habitantes en 1810 aos 3 130 000 en 1917), e xurdiu unha nova clase de traballadores agrarios e industriais, así como de pequenos granxeiros, durante este período. A revolución industrial foi rápida en Finlandia, a pesar de ter comezado despois que no resto da Europa Occidental. A industrialización financiouse polo estado e diminuíronse algúns dos problemas asociados co proceso industrial con accións administrativas. Entre os traballadores urbanos, os problemas socio-económicos incrementaron durante os períodos de depresión industrial. A posición dos traballadores rurais empeorou tras o final do século XIX, a medida que as granxas eran máis eficientes e orientadas ao mercado e o desenvolvemento da industria non tiña a suficiente forza para utilizar o rápido crecemento de poboación do campo.[nb 2][39][40][41][42][43][22]

A diferenza entre as culturas escandinavo-finlandesa, propia dos pobos fino-úgricos, e a ruso-eslava afectou á natureza da integración nacional finlandesa. Os estratos sociais máis altos tomaron o liderado e obtiveron autoridade nos asuntos domésticos de mans do tsar de Rusia en 1809. Os estamentos planificaron a construción dun estado finlandés cada vez máis autónomo, dirixido pola elite e a intelligentsia. O movemento Fennoman aspiraba a incluír as persoas comúns nun papel non político; o movemento obreiro, as asociacións xuvenís e o movemento de temperanza estaban dirixidos inicialmente "desde arriba".[44][45][41][42][22][nb 3]

Entre 1870 e 1916 a industrialización mellorou gradualmente as condicións sociais e a confianza dos traballadores. Porén, mentres que o nivel de vida da maioría da poboación mellorou en termos absolutos, a brecha entre ricos e pobres aumentou considerablemente. Os estratos sociais máis baixos comezaron a preocuparse pola situación socio-económica e as cuestións políticas, comezando a interactuar coas ideas do socialismo, o socioliberalismo e o nacionalismo. As iniciativas dos traballadores e as respostas das autoridades intensificaron o conflito social en Finlandia.[46][47][48][41][42][22]

 
Tampere en 2015. A cidade foi un dos centros ideolóxicos da folga xeral 1905 e un dos baluartes estratéxicos da guerra civil finlandesa.

O movemento laborista finlandés, que xurdira a finais do século XIX da temperanza, os movementos relixiosos e a Fennomania, tiña un carácter nacionalista e de clase traballadora. Entre 18991906, o movemento fíxose independente, afastándose do pensamento paternalista dos Fennonman, e que foi representado polo Partido Socialdemócrata de Finlandia establecido en 1899. O activismo dos traballadores foi unha forma de opoñerse directamente á rusificación e ao desenvolvemento de políticas que arranxaran os problemas domésticos e responderan ás demandas de democracia. Isto foi unha reacción á disputa doméstica, comezada na década de 1880, entre a nobreza burguesa finlandesa e o movemento obreiro acerca do dereito de sufraxio universal.[nb 4]

A pesar das súas obrigas como habitantes obedientes, pacíficos e apolíticos no Gran Ducado –quen tan só unhas décadas antes, aceptaron o sistema de clases como orde natural das súas vidas–, os plebeos comezaron a exixir os seus dereitos civís e de cidadanía na sociedade finlandesa. A loita de poder entre os estamentos finlandeses e a administración imperial rusa deixou lugar a un modelo concreto e espazo libre para o movemento obreiro. Por outra banda, debido a centenaria tradición e experiencia da autoridade administrativa, os membros elite finlandesa víanse a si mesmos como os líderes naturais da nación.[52][53][41] [42][22] O conflito político pola democracia resolveuse fora de Finlandia, a través da política internacional: o Imperio Ruso fracasou na súa guerra contra o Xapón que desembocou na Revolución Rusa de 1905 e a unha folga xeral en Finlandia. Nun intento de calmar o malestar xeral entre a poboación, o sistema de estamentos foi abolido en polo Parlamento de Finlandia, por medio da reforma parlamentaria de 1906. A folga xeral aumentou o apoio aos socialdemócratas dun xeito considerable. O partido abarcou un porcentaxe de poboación maior que calquera outro movemento socialista no mundo.[nb 5]

A reforma de 1906 supuxo un gran salto cara a liberalización social e política da maioría dos finlandeses, a pesar de que a dinastía rusa dos Romanov era a máis autocrática e conservadora de Europa. Os finlandeses adoptaron un sistema parlamentario unicameral, o Parlamento de Finlandia (en finés: eduskunta, en sueco: riksdag) con sufraxio universal. O número de votantes aumentou dos 126 000 aos 1 273 000, incluíndo ás mulleres. A reforma deu lugar a que os socialdemócratas obtiveran arredor do 50% do voto popular. A pesar destes avances, o tsar Nicolao II de Rusia logrou a súa autoridade tras finalizar a crise de 1905 e implantou no Gran Ducado o programa de rusificación a partir de 1908. Os finlandeses chamaron a esta etapa o segundo período de opresión, pois o tsar neutralizou o poder do parlamento finlandés ata 1917. As autoridades rusas disolveron a asemblea, ordenaron a celebración de eleccións parlamentarias case anualmente, e determinaron a composición do Senado, que non mantivo correlación do Parlamento.[50][63][64][65][66][67][68] [69][22]

A capacidade do parlamento finlandés de resolver os problemas socio-económicos viuse frustrada pola confrontación entre os case analfabetos plebeos e os antigos estamentos. Outro conflito avivouse cando os patróns denegaron as negociacións colectivas e o dereito dos sindicatos a representar aos traballadores. O proceso parlamentario decepcionou ao movemento obreiro, pero debido a que o dominio sobre o parlamento e a lexislación era a forma máis doada para os traballadores de obter unha sociedade máis equitativa, identificáronse a si mesmos como o Estado. O conxunto das políticas domésticas deron lugar a unha loita polo liderado do estado finlandés durante dez anos ata o colapso do Imperio Ruso.[50] [63][64][65][67] [69][42][22]

Revolución de FebreiroEditar

Artigo principal: Revolución de Febreiro.
 
Manifestación na praza do Senado de Helsinqui. Os encontros masivos e as folgas locais de comezos de 1917 deron lugar a unha folga xeral en apoio da loita polo poder do estado finlandés e polo aumento a dispoñibilidade de alimentos.

O segundo período de rusificación finalizou o 15 de marzo de 1917 co estoupido da Revolución de Febreiro, que acabou destronando ao tsar Nicolao II. O colapso do sistema imperial debeuse, entre outros motivos, ás derrotas militares, o abafamento pola duración e dificultades da Gran Guerra, a colisión entre o réxime máis conservador de Europa e os desexos da poboación rusa de modernización. O poder do tsar foi transferido á Duma Estatal e ao novo goberno provisional. Porén, a autoridade do novo goberno viuse ameazada pola influencia do Soviet de Petrogrado, o que deu lugar a un poder dobre no país.[70][71][72][73]

En marzo de 1917 devolveuse aos finlandeses o seu status autónomo de 1809–1899, a través dun manifesto do novo goberno ruso. Por primeira vez na historia do país, o poder político estaba de facto nas mans do Parlamento de Finlandia. A esquerda política, formada principalmente por socialdemócratas, ocupaba un amplo espectro desde os moderados aos socialistas revolucionarios. A dereita política era incluso máis diversa, desde os social liberais e conservadores moderados ata os movementos máis conservadores. Os catro partidos principais nese momento eran:

Os finlandeses enfrontábanse a unha nociva combinación entre a loita polo poder e fracaso social en 1917. O colapso de Rusia induciu unha reacción en cadea de desintegración, comezando polo goberno, o exército e a economía, e estendéndose a todos os campos da sociedade, como a administración local, os lugares de traballo e a cidadanía. A comezos do século XX, os finlandeses se mantiñan nunha encrucillada entre o antigo réxime dos estamentos e a evolución cara unha sociedade nova, moderna e democrática. A dirección e o obxectivo deste período de cambio convertéronse nun problema froito das intensas disputas políticas, que finalmente acabaron provocando un conflito armado por mor da debilidade do Estado finlandés. Os socialdemócratas pretendían manter os dereitos políticos conseguidos e incrementar a súa influencia sobre a poboación. Os conservadores, pola súa banda, temían perder o seu poder socioeconómico, que ostentaran ata entón. Ambas faccións colaboraron cos seus equivalentes en Rusia, profundizando a división na nación.[76][77][78][79][58][22]

O Partido Socialdemócrata gañou as eleccións parlamentarias de 1916 con maioría absoluta. En marzo de 1917 Oskari Tokoi formou un novo Senado, mais este non reflectiu a ampla maioría socialista: estaba composto por seis socialdemócratas e seis non socialistas. En teoría, o senado consistía nunha ampla coalición nacional, mais na práctica (cos principais grupos políticos reticentes a comprometerse e as principais figuras políticas fóra do senado), mostrouse incapaz de resolver ningún problema importante de Finlandia. Despois da Revolución de Febreiro, a autoridade política descendeu ao nivel das rúas: reunións masivas, organización de folgas e consellos obreiros e militares des esquerdas, e organizacións activas de empregadores na dereita, todos eles minando pouco a pouco a autoridade do estado.[80][81][79][22]

A Revolución de Febreiro detivo o auxe económico finlandés causado pola economía de guerra rusa durante a primeira guerra mundial. O colapso nos negocios levou ao desemprego e a unha alta inflación, mais as persoas empregadas tiveron a oportunidade de resolver problemas nos lugares de traballo. A clase obreira reclamou unha xornada laboral de oito horas, mellores condicións laborais e salarios máis altos, que levaron a manifestacións e grandes folgas na industria e na agricultura.[82][83][22]

Mentres Finlandia se especializara na produción de leite e manteiga, a maior parte da subministración de alimentos do país dependía dos cereais producidos no sur de Rusia. O cesamento das importacións de cereais da Rusia desintegrada conduciu a unha escasez de alimentos en Finlandia. O Senado respondeu introducindo racianamentos e control de presos. Os granxeiros resistíronse ao control do estado e o mercado negro, acompañado por un forte aumento dos prezos dos alimentos formado e exportado ao mercado libre da área de Petrogrado. A subministración de alimentos, os presos e, finalmente, o medo á inanición convertéronse en problemas políticos emocionais entre os granxeiros e os traballadores urbanos, especialmente aqueles que estaban sen emprego. A xente común, os seus medos explotados polos políticos e uns medios de comunicación incendiarios e polarizados, tomou as rúas. A pesar da escasez de alimentos, ningunha fame a gran escala afectou ao sur de Finlandia antes da guerra civil e o mercado de alimentos seguiu a ser un estimulador secundario na loita polo poder no estado finlandés.[nb 7]

Batalla polo lideratoEditar

 
Soldados rusos en Helsinqui. Antes de 1917 mantiñan a estabilidade en Finlandia, logo da Revolución de Febreiro, as tropas rusas convertéronse nunha fonte de malestar social.

A aprobación do proyecto de lei do Senado de Tokoi chamada "Lei do Poder Supremo" (finés: laki Suomen korkeimman valtiovallan käyttämisestä, máis comunmente coñecida como valtalaki; sueco: maktlagen) en xullo de 1917, desencadenou na crise clave na loita polo poder entre socialdemócratas e conservadores. A caída do Imperio Ruso abriu a cuestión de quen terra a autoridade política soberana no antigo Gran Ducado. Logo de décadas de decepcións políticas, a Revolución de Febreiro ofreceulles aos socialdemócratas finlandeses unha oportunidade para gobernar; tiñan a maioría absoluta do Parlamento. Os conservadores estaban alarmados polo continuo aumento da influencia dos socialistas dende 1899, que chegou ao seu punto máximo en 1917.[90][91][92][93][94][42][95][22][96]

A "Lei do Poder Supremo" incorporou un plano dos socialistas para aumentar substancialmente o poder do Parlamento, como reacción ao liderato non parlamentario e conservador do Senado de Finlandia entre 1906 e 1916. O proxecto de lei promoveu a autonomía finlandesa nos asuntos internos: o Goberno Provisional Ruso só lle permitiu o dereito a controlar as políticas exteriores e militares de Finlandia. A Acta foi adoptada co apoio do Partido Socialdemócrata, a Liga Agraria, parte do Partido Xove Finlandés e algúns activistas ansiosos pola soberanía finlandesa. Os conservadores opuxéronse ao progetto de lei e algúns dos representantes máis dereitistas renunciaron ao Parlamento.[97][93][98][42][95][22][99]

En Petrogrado, o plan socialdemócrata tiña o respaldo dos bolxeviques. Estiveran plantexando unha revolta en contra do Goberno Provisional dense abril de 1917, e as manifestacións prosoviéticas durante as Xornadas de Xullo fixeron que os asuntos se puxeran de manifesto. O Soviet de Helsinqui e o Comité Rexional dos Soviets de Finlandeses, liderado polo bolxevique Ivar Smilga, ambos comprometidos coa defensa do Parlamento de Finlandia se este era ameazado cun ataque.[100] Con todo, o Goberno Provisional continuou tendo apoio suficiente no exército ruso para sobrevivir e a medida que o movemento na rúa diminuía, Vladimir Lenin fuxiu a Carelia. A raíz destes eventos, a "Lei do Poder Supremo" foi anulada e os socialdemócratas tinalmente botáronse atrás; enviáronse máis tropas rusas a Finlandia e, coa cooperación e insistencia dos conservadores finlandeses, disolveuse o Parlamento e anunciáronse novas eleccións.[nb 8]

Nas eleccións de outubro de 1917, os socialdemócratas perderon a súa maioría absoluta, o que radicalizou o movemento obreiro e unha diminución do apoio á política moderada. A crise de xullo de 1917 non provocou a Revolución Vermella de xaneiro de 1918 por si soa, mais xunto cos desenvolvementos políticos baseados na interpretación dos comunistas das ideas do movemento Fennoman e o socialismo, os eventos favoreceron unha revolución finlandesa. Para gañar o poder, os socialistas tiñan que gañar o Parlamento.[90][101][91][64][92][93][98][79][42][95][96]

A Revolución de Febreiro provocou a perda da autoridade institucional en Finlandia e a disolución da forza policial, creando medo e incerteza. En resposta, tanto a dereita como a esquerda reuniron os seus propios grupos de seguridade, que inicialmente eran locais e en boa medida desarmados. A finais de 1917, logo da disolución do Parlamento, en ausencia dun goberno forte e forzas nacionais armadas, os grupos de seguridade comezaron a asumir un carácter máis amplo e paramilitar. As Gardas Civís (finés: suojeluskunnat; sueco: skyddskåren; literalmente "corpos de protección") e as Gardas Brancas posteriores (finés: valkokaartit; sueco: vita gardet) foron organizadas por homes de influencia locais: académicos conservadores; industriais; terratenentes, e activistas. A Garda de Orde dos Traballadores (finés: työväen järjestyskaartit; sueco: arbetarnas ordningsgardet) e a Garda Vermella (finés: punakaartit; sueco: röda gardet) foron recrutadas a través das seccións locais do partido socialdemócrata e dos sindicatos de traballadores.[nb 9]

Revolución de OutubroEditar

Véxase tamén: Revolución de Outubro.

A Revolución de Outubro do 7 de novembro de 1917 levada a cabo polos bolxeviques e Vladimir Lenin transferiu o poder político de Petrogrado aos socialistas radicais de esquerda. A decisión do goberno alemán de conceder un salvoconduto a Lenin e os seus compañeiros dende o seu exilio en Suíza ata Petrogrado en abril de 1917 foi un éxito. Un armisticio entre Alemaña e o réxime bolxevique entrou en vigor o 6 de decembro e as negociacións de paz comezaron o 22 de decembro de 1917 en Brest-Litovsk.[109]

Novembro de 1917 converteuse noutra liña divisoria na rivalidade de 1917-1918 polo liderato en Finlandia. Logo da disolución do Parlamento de Finlandia, a polarización entre os socialdemócratas e os conservadores incrementouse notablemente e o período foi testemuña da aparición da violencia política. Un traballador agrícola recibiu un disparo durante unha folga local o 9 de agosto de 1917 en Ypäjä, e un membro da Garda Civil foi asasinado nunha crise política en Malmi o 24 de setembro.[110] A Revolución de Outubro interrompeu a tregua informal etre os finlandeses non socialistas e o Goberno Provisional Ruso. Logo dunha discusión política sobre como reaccionar ante a revolta, a maioría dos políticos aceptaron unha proposta de compromiso de Santeri Alkio, o líder da Liga Agraria. O Parlamento tomou o poder soberano en Finlandia o 15 de novembro de 1917 baseándose na "Lei do Poder Supremo" dos socialistas e ratificou as súas propostas dunha xornada laboral de oito horas e o sufraxio universal nas eleccións locais, a partir de xullo de 1917.[111]

 
Soldados da paramilitar Garda Branca en Leinola, un suburbio de Tampere

O 27 de novembro designouse o goberno puramente non socialista liderado polos conservadores de Pehr Evind Svinhufvud. Este nomeamento foi tanto unha meta a longo prazo dos conservadores como unha resposta aos desafíos do movemento obreiro durante novembro de 1917. As principais aspiracións de Svinhufvud eran separar a Finlandia de Rusia, fortalecer aos Gardas Civís, e devolver unha parte da nova autoridade do Parlamento ao Senado.[112] O 31 de agosto de 1917 había 149 Gardas Civís en Finlandia, contando as unidades locais e Gardas Brancos subsidiarios nas cidades e comunas rurais; 251 o 30 de setembro; 315 o 31 de outubro; 380 o 30 de novembro e 408 o 26 de xaneiro de 1918. O primeiro intento de adestramento militar serio das Gardas foi o estabelecemento dunha escola de cabalaría de 200 efectivos na finca de Saksanniemi, nas proximidades da cidade de Porvoo, en setembro de 1917. A vangarda dos Jägers finlandeses e o armamento alemán chegaron a Finlandia durante os meses de outubro e novembro de 1917 no cargueiro Equity e o submarino alemán UC-57; en torno a 50 Jägers regresaran a Finlandia a finais de 1917.[113]

Logo das derrotas políticas en xullo e outubro de 1917, os socialdemócratas presentaron un programa intransixente chamado "Demandamos" (finés: Me vaadimme; sueco: Vi kräver) o 1 de novembro, para presionar polas concesións políticas. Insistiron nun regreso ao status político anterior á disolución do Parlamento en xullo de 1917, a disolución das Gardas Civís e eleccións para crear unha Asemblea Constituínte Finlandesa. O programa fracasou e os socialistas iniciaron unha folga xeral entre o 14 e o 19 de novembro para incrementar a presión política sobre os conservadores, que se opuxeran á "Lei do Poder Supremo" e a proclamación parlamentaria do poder soberano o 15 de novembro.[114]

A revolución converteuse no obxectivo dos socialistas radicalizados logo de perder o control político, e os acontecimentos de novembro de 1917 deron pulo a un levantamento socialista. Nesta fase, Lenin e Iosif Stalin, ameazados en Petrogrado, instaron aos socialdemócratas a tomar o poder en Finlandia. A maioría dos socialistas finlandeses eran moderados e preferían métodos parlamentarios, o que levou aos bolxeviques a etiquetalos como "revolucionarios reacios". A reticencia diminuíu a medida que a folga xeral semellaba ofrecer unha importante canle de influencia para os traballadores do sur de Finlandia. O liderato da folga votou por unha maioría estreita comezar unha revolución o 16 de novembro, mais o levantamento tivo que ser cancelado o mesmo día debido á falta de revolucionarios activos para executalo.[115]

 
Tropas da compañía paramilitar da Garda Vermella de Tampere en 1918.

A finais de novembro de 1917, os socialistas moderados entre os socialdemócratas gañaron unha segunda votación sobre os radicais nun debate sobre medios revolucionarios fronte a parlamentarios, mais cando trataron de aprobar unha resolución para abandonar por completo a idea dunha revolución socialista, os representantes e algúns líderes influíntes do partido rexeitárono. O movemento obreiro finlandés quería manter a súa propia forza militar e manter aberta a vía revolucionaria. Os vacilantes socialistas finlandeses decepcionaron a V. I. Lenin e ao mesmo tempo, el comezou a alentar aos bolxeviques finlandeses en Petrogrado.[116]

Entre o movemento obreiro, unha consecuencia máis marcada dos acontecimientos de 1917 foi o ascenso das Gardas de Orde dos Traballadores. Había entre 20 e 60 gardas separadas entre o 31 de agosto e o 30 de setembro de 1917, mais en outubro, logo da derrota nas eleccións parlamentarias, o movemento obreiro finlandés proclamou a necesidade de crear máis unidades de traballadores. O anuncio deu lugar a unha oleada de recrutamentos: o 31 de outubro o número de gardas era de entre 100 e 150; 342 o 30 de novembro de 1917 e 375 o 26 de xaneiro de 1918. Desde maio de 1917, as organizacións paramilitares de esquerda medraran en dúas fases, a maior parte delas como Gardas da Orde de Traballadores. A minoría eran Gardas Vermellas, estas eran en parte grupos clandestinos formados in cidades industrializadas e centros industriais, como Helsinqui, Kotka e Tampere, baseados nas Gardas Vermellas orixinais que se formaran entre 1905 e 1906 en Finlandia.[117]

A presenza de dúas forzas armadas opostas creou un estado cun poder dual e soberanía dividida na sociedade finlandesa. A ruptura definitiva entre as gardas estalou durante a folga xeral: os Vermellos executaron varios opoñentes políticos no sur de Finlandia e tiveron lugar os primeiros enfrontamentos armados entre Brancos e Vermellos. En total, contabilizáronse 34 vítimas. Co tempo, as rivalidades políticas de 1917 conduciron a unha carreira armamentística e a unha escalada cara á guerra civil.[118]

Independencia de FinlandiaEditar

A desintegración de Rusia ofreceulle ao pobo finlandés unha oportunidade histórica para conseguir a súa independencia. Logo da Revolución de Outubro, os conservadores estaban ansiosos pola secesión de Rusia para controlar a esquerda e minimizar a súa influencia por parte dos bolxeviques. Os socialistas eran escépticos sobre a soberanía baixo un goberno conservador, mais temían perder apoio entre os traballadores nacionalistas, especialmente despois de ter prometido unha maior liberdade nacional a través da "Lei do Poder Supremo". Finalmente, ambas faccións políticas apoiaron unha Finlandia independente, a pesar do forte desacordo sobre a composición do liderato da nación.[119]

O nacionalismo convertérase nunca "relixión cívica" en Finlandia a finais do século XIX, mais o obxectivo durante a folga xeral de 1905 era o regreso á autonomía de 1809–1898, non a independencia total. En comparación co réxime unitario sueco, o poder doméstico dos finlandeses aumentara baixo o dominio do menos uniforme dominio ruso. Economicamente, o Gran Ducado de Finlandia beneficiouse de ter un orzamento nacional independente, un banco central con moeda nacional, o marco finlandés (emitido por primeira vez en 1860), e a organización aduaneira e o progreso industrial de 1860–1916. A economía dependía do enorme mercado ruso e a separación podería interromper a rentable zona financeira finlandesa. O colapso económico de Rusia e a loita polo poder do estado finlandés en 1917 foron algúns dos factores que puxeron a soberanía de Finlandia no primeiro plano.[120]

 
O recoñecemento da independencia finlandesa por parte dos bolxeviques. Uns minutos antes da medianoite do 31 de decembro de 1917, dous homes con dúas visións do mundo opostas, Svinhufvud e Lenin estrecharon as súas mans.[121]

O Senado presidido Svinhufvud propuxo a declaración de independencia de Finlandia o 4 de decembro de 1917 e o Parlamento aprobouna o 6 de decembro. Os socialdemócratas votaron en contra da proposta do Senado, menores presentaban unha declaración alternativa de soberanía. O establecemento dun estado independente non era unha conclusión garantizada para a pequena nación finlandesa. O recoñecemento de Rusia e outras potencias mundiais foi esencial; Svinhufvud aceptou que tiña que negociar con Lenin para obter o recoñecemento. Os socialistas, téndose mostrado reticentes a entrar en negociacións cos dirixentes rusos en xullo de 1917, enviaron dúas delegacións a Petrogrado para solicitar que Lenin aprobara a soberanía finlandesa.[122]

En decembro de 1917, Lenin estaba sometido a unha intensa presión para concluir as negociacións de paz en Brest-Litovsk con Alemaña e o goberno bolxevique estaba en crise, cunha administración inexperta e o exército desmoralizado, que facían fronte a poderosos opoñentes políticos e militares. Lenin calculou que os bolxeviques podrerían loitar polas partes centrais de Rusia, pero tiveron que renunciar a algúns territorios periféricos, incluída Finlandia na esquina xeopolítica menos importante do noroeste. Como resultado, a delegación de Svinhufvud conseguiu a concesión de soberanía de Lenin o 4 de xaneiro de 1918.[123]

A comezos da guerra civil, Austria-Hungría, Dinamarca, Francia, Alemaña, Noruega, Suecia e Suíza recoñeceran a independencia de Finlandia. O Reino Unidos e os Estados Unidos de América non a aprobaron; esperaron e vixiaron as relacións entre Finlandia e Alemaña (o principal inimigo dos Aliados), coa esperanza de anular o réxime de Lenin e devolver a Rusia á Guerra contra o Imperio Alemán. Ao mesmo tempo, os alemáns aceleraron a separación de Finlandia e Rusia para mover ao país á súa esfera de influencia.[124]

A guerraEditar

 
General C. G. E. Mannerheim in 1918, with an armband showing the coat of arms of Finland

EscaladaEditar

The final escalation towards war began in early January 1918, as each military or political action of the Reds or the Whites resulted in a corresponding counteraction by the other. Both sides justified their activities as defensive measures, particularly to their own supporters. On the left, the vanguard of the movement was the urban Red Guards from Helsinki, Kotka and Turku; they led the rural Reds and convinced the socialist leaders who wavered between peace and war to support the revolution. On the right, the vanguard was the Jägers, who had transferred to Finland, and the volunteer Civil Guards of southwestern Finland, southern Ostrobothnia and Vyborg province in the southeastern corner of Finland. The first local battles were fought during 9–21 January 1918 in southern and southeastern Finland, mainly to win the arms race and to control Vyborg (finés: Viipuri; sueco: Viborg).[125]

 
Kullervo Manner, chairman of the Finnish People's Delegation and last commander-in-chief of the Reds, pictured c. 1913–1915

On 12 January 1918, Parliament authorised the Svinhufvud Senate to establish internal order and discipline on behalf of the state. On 15 January, Carl Gustaf Emil Mannerheim, a former Finnish general of the Imperial Russian Army, was appointed the commander-in-chief of the Civil Guards. The Senate appointed the Guards, henceforth called the White Guards, as the White Army of Finland. Mannerheim placed his Headquarters of the White Army in the VaasaSeinäjoki area. The White Order to engage was issued on 25 January. The Whites gained weaponry by disarming Russian garrisons during 21–28 January, in particular in southern Ostrobothnia.[126]

The Red Guards, led by Ali Aaltonen, refused to recognise the Whites' hegemony and established a military authority of their own. Aaltonen installed his headquarters in Helsinki and nicknamed it Smolna echoing the Smolny Institute, the Bolsheviks' headquarters in Petrograd. The Red Order of Revolution was issued on 26 January, and a red lantern, a symbolic indicator of the uprising, was lit in the tower of the Helsinki Workers' House. A large-scale mobilisation of the Reds began late in the evening of 27 January, with the Helsinki Red Guard and some of the Guards located along the Vyborg-Tampere railway having been activated between 23 and 26 January, in order to safeguard vital positions and escort a heavy railroad shipment of Bolshevik weapons from Petrograd to Finland. White troops tried to capture the shipment: 20–30 Finns, Red and White, died in the Battle of Kämärä at the Karelian Isthmus on 27 January 1918.[127] The Finnish rivalry for power had culminated.[128]

BandosEditar

Finlandia Branca e Finlandia VermellaEditar

 
The frontlines and initial offensives at the beginning of the war.     Areas controlled by the Whites     White offensive     Areas controlled by the Reds     Red offensiveModelo:Legend-line

At the beginning of the war, a discontinuous front line ran through southern Finland from west to east, dividing the country into White Finland and Red Finland. The Red Guards controlled the area to the south, including nearly all the major towns and industrial centres, along with the largest estates and farms with the highest numbers of crofters and tenant farmers. The White Army controlled the area to the north, which was predominantly agrarian and contained small or medium-sized farms and tenant farmers. The number of crofters was lower and they held a better social status than those in the south. Enclaves of the opposing forces existed on both sides of the front line: within the White area lay the industrial towns of Varkaus, Kuopio, Oulu, Raahe, Kemi and Tornio; within the Red area lay Porvoo, Kirkkonummi and Uusikaupunki. The elimination of these strongholds was a priority for both armies in February 1918.[129]

Red Finland was led by the People's Delegation (finés: kansanvaltuuskunta; sueco: folkdelegationen), established on 28 January 1918 in Helsinki. The delegation sought democratic socialism based on the Finnish Social Democratic Party's ethos; their visions differed from Lenin's dictatorship of the proletariat. Otto Ville Kuusinen formulated a proposal for a new constitution, influenced by those of Switzerland and the United States. With it, political power was to be concentrated to Parliament, with a lesser role for a government. The proposal included a multi-party system; freedom of assembly, speech and press; and the use of referenda in political decision-making. In order to ensure the authority of the labour movement, the common people would have a right to permanent revolution. The socialists planned to transfer a substantial part of property rights to the state and local administrations.[130]

In foreign policy, Red Finland leaned on Bolshevist Russia. A Red-initiated Finno–Russian treaty and peace agreement was signed on 1 March 1918, where Red Finland was called the Finnish Socialist Workers' Republic (finés: Suomen sosialistinen työväentasavalta; sueco: Finlands socialistiska arbetarrepublik). The negotiations for the treaty implied that –as in World War I in general– nationalism was more important for both sides than the principles of international socialism. The Red Finns did not simply accept an alliance with the Bolsheviks and major disputes appeared, for example, over the demarcation of the border between Red Finland and Soviet Russia. The significance of the Russo–Finnish Treaty evaporated quickly due to the signing of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk between the Bolsheviks and the German Empire on 3 March 1918.[131]

Lenin's policy on the right of nations to self-determination aimed at preventing the disintegration of Russia during the period of military weakness. He assumed that in war-torn, splintering Europe, the proletariat of free nations would carry out socialist revolutions and unite with Soviet Russia later. The majority of the Finnish labour movement supported Finland's independence. The Finnish Bolsheviks, influential, though few in number, favoured annexation of Finland by Russia.[132]

The government of White Finland, Pehr Evind Svinhufvud's first senate, was called the Vaasa Senate after its relocation to the safer west-coast city of Vaasa, which acted as the capital of the Whites from 29 January to 3 May 1918. In domestic policy, the White Senate's main goal was to return the political right to power in Finland. The conservatives planned a monarchist political system, with a lesser role for Parliament. A section of the conservatives had always supported monarchy and opposed democracy; others had approved of parliamentarianism since the revolutionary reform of 1906, but after the crisis of 1917–1918, concluded that empowering the common people would not work. Social liberals and reformist non-socialists opposed any restriction of parliamentarianism. They initially resisted German military help, but the prolonged warfare changed their stance.[133]

In foreign policy, the Vaasa Senate relied on the German Empire for military and political aid. Their objective was to defeat the Finnish Reds; end the influence of Bolshevist Russia in Finland and expand Finnish territory to East Karelia, a geopolitically significant home to people speaking Finno-Ugric languages. The weakness of Russia inspired an idea of Greater Finland among the expansionist factions of both the right and left: the Reds had claims concerning the same areas. General Mannerheim agreed on the need to take over East Karelia and to request German weapons, but opposed actual German intervention in Finland. Mannerheim recognised the Red Guards' lack of combat skill and trusted in the abilities of the German-trained Finnish Jägers. As a former Russian army officer, Mannerheim was well aware of the demoralisation of the Russian army. He co-operated with White-aligned Russian officers in Finland and Russia.[134]

 
The main offensives until 6 April 1918. The Whites take Tampere and defeat the Finnish-Russian Reds at the Battle of Rautu, the Karelian Isthmus.     Areas controlled by the Whites     White offensive     Areas controlled by the Reds     Red offensiveModelo:Legend-line

Soldados e armasEditar

 
A Soviet armoured train, Partizan, which assisted the Red war effort in the Vyborg area.[135]

The number of Finnish troops on each side varied from 70,000 to 90,000 and both had around 100,000 rifles, 300–400 machine guns and a few hundred cannons. While the Red Guards consisted mostly of volunteers, with wages paid at the beginning of the war, the White Army consisted predominantly of conscripts with 11,000–15,000 volunteers. The main motives for volunteering were socio-economic factors, such as salary and food, as well as idealism and peer pressure. The Red Guards included 2,600 women, mostly girls recruited from the industrial centres and cities of southern Finland. Urban and agricultural workers constituted the majority of the Red Guards, whereas land-owning farmers and well-educated people formed the backbone of the White Army.[136] Both armies used child soldiers, mainly between 14 and 17 years of age. The use of juvenile soldiers was not rare in World War I; children of the time were under the absolute authority of adults and were not shielded against exploitation.[137]

Rifles and machine guns from Imperial Russia were the main armaments of the Reds and the Whites. The most commonly used rifle was the Russian 7.62 mm (0.3 in) Mosin–Nagant Model 1891. In total, around ten different rifle models were in service, causing problems for ammunition supply. The Maxim gun was the most-used machine gun, along with the less-used M1895 Colt–Browning, Lewis and Madsen guns. The machine guns caused a substantial part of the casualties in combat. Russian field guns were mostly used with direct fire.[138]

The Civil War was fought primarily along railways; vital means for transporting troops and supplies, as well for using armoured trains, equipped with light cannons and heavy machine guns. The strategically most important railway junction was Haapamäki, approximately 100 kilometres (62 mi) northeast of Tampere, connecting eastern and western Finland and as well as southern and northern Finland. Other critical junctions included Kouvola, Riihimäki, Tampere, Toijala and Vyborg. The Whites captured Haapamäki at the end of January 1918, leading to the Battle of Vilppula.[139]

 
The German Army's landings on the south coast and their operations. The Whites' decisive offensives in Karelia.     Areas controlled by the Whites or Germans     White offensive     German offensive     Areas controlled by the RedsModelo:Legend-line

Garda Vermella e tropas soviéticasEditar

 
A 19-year-old (left) and a 27-year-old member of the Turku Female Red Guard. They were later executed in Lahti in May 1918.

The Finnish Red Guards seized the early initiative in the war by taking control of Helsinki on 28 January 1918 and by undertaking a general offensive lasting from February till early March 1918. The Reds were relatively well armed, but a chronic shortage of skilled leaders, both at the command level and in the field, left them unable to capitalise on this momentum, and most of the offensives came to nothing. The military chain of command functioned relatively well at company and platoon level, but leadership and authority remained weak as most of the field commanders were chosen by the vote of the troops. The common troops were more or less armed civilians, whose military training, discipline and combat morale were both inadequate and low.[140]

Ali Aaltonen was replaced on 28 January 1918 by Eero Haapalainen as commander-in-chief. He, in turn, was displaced by the Bolshevik triumvirate of Eino Rahja, Adolf Taimi and Evert Eloranta on 20 March. The last commander-in-chief of the Red Guard was Kullervo Manner, from 10 April until the last period of the war when the Reds no longer had a named leader. Some talented local commanders, such as Hugo Salmela in the Battle of Tampere, provided successful leadership, but could not change the course of the war. The Reds achieved some local victories as they retreated from southern Finland toward Russia, such as against German troops in the Battle of Syrjäntaka on 28–29 April in Tuulos.[141]

 
Red Guard cavalry commander Verner Lehtimäki on his horse in 1918

Around 50,000 of the former czar's army troops were stationed in Finland in January 1918. The soldiers were demoralised and war-weary, and the former serfs were thirsty for farmland set free by the revolutions. The majority of the troops returned to Russia by the end of March 1918. In total, 7,000 to 10,000 Red Russian soldiers supported the Finnish Reds, but only around 3,000, in separate, smaller units of 100–1,000 soldiers, could be persuaded to fight in the front line.[142]

The revolutions in Russia divided the Soviet army officers politically and their attitude towards the Finnish Civil War varied. Mikhail Svechnikov led Finnish Red troops in western Finland in February and Konstantin Yeremejev Soviet forces on the Karelian Isthmus, while other officers were mistrustful of their revolutionary peers and instead co-operated with General Mannerheim, in disarming Soviet garrisons in Finland. On 30 January 1918, Mannerheim proclaimed to Russian soldiers in Finland that the White Army did not fight against Russia, but that the objective of the White campaign was to beat the Finnish Reds and the Soviet troops supporting them.[143]

The number of Soviet soldiers active in the civil war declined markedly once Germany attacked Russia on 18 February 1918. The German-Soviet Treaty of Brest-Litovsk of 3 March restricted the Bolsheviks' support for the Finnish Reds to weapons and supplies. The Soviets remained active on the south-eastern front, mainly in the Battle of Rautu on the Karelian Isthmus between February and April 1918, where they defended the approaches to Petrograd.[144]

Garda Branca e o papel de SueciaEditar

 
Finnish Jägers in Vaasa, Finland, on 26 February 1918. The battalion is being inspected by White Commander-in-Chief C. G. E. Mannerheim.

While the conflict has been called by some, "The War of Amateurs", the White Army had two major advantages over the Red Guards: the professional military leadership of Gustaf Mannerheim and his staff, which included 84 Swedish volunteer officers and former Finnish officers of the czar's army; and 1,450 soldiers of the 1,900-strong, Jäger battalion. The majority of the unit arrived in Vaasa on 25 February 1918.[145] On the battlefield, the Jägers, battle-hardened on the Eastern Front, provided strong leadership that made disciplined combat of the common White troopers possible. The soldiers were similar to those of the Reds, having brief and inadequate training. At the beginning of the war, the White Guards' top leadership had little authority over volunteer White units, which obeyed only their local leaders. At the end of February, the Jägers started a rapid training of six conscript regiments.[145]

The Jäger battalion was politically divided, too. Four-hundred-and-fifty –mostly socialist– Jägers remained stationed in Germany, as it was feared they were likely to side with the Reds. White Guard leaders faced a similar problem when drafting young men to the army in February 1918: 30,000 obvious supporters of the Finnish labour movement never showed up. It was also uncertain whether common troops drafted from the small-sized and poor farms of central and northern Finland had strong enough motivation to fight the Finnish Reds. The Whites' propaganda promoted the idea that they were fighting a defensive war against Bolshevist Russians, and belittled the role of the Red Finns among their enemies.[146] Social divisions appeared both between southern and northern Finland and within rural Finland. The economy and society of the north had modernised more slowly than that of the south. There was a more pronounced conflict between Christianity and socialism in the north, and the ownership of farmland conferred major social status, motivating the farmers to fight against the Reds.[147]

Sweden declared neutrality both during World War I and the Finnish Civil War. General opinion, in particular among the Swedish elite, was divided between supporters of the Allies and the Central powers, Germanism being somewhat more popular. Three war-time priorities determined the pragmatic policy of the Swedish liberal-social democratic government: sound economics, with export of iron-ore and foodstuff to Germany; sustaining the tranquility of Swedish society; and geopolitics. The government accepted the participation of Swedish volunteer officers and soldiers in the Finnish White Army in order to block expansion of revolutionary unrest to Scandinavia.[148]

A 1,000-strong paramilitary Swedish Brigade, led by Hjalmar Frisell, took part in the Battle of Tampere and in the fighting south of the town. In February 1918, the Swedish Navy escorted the German naval squadron transporting Finnish Jägers and German weapons and allowed it to pass through Swedish territorial waters. The Swedish socialists tried to open peace negotiations between the Whites and the Reds. The weakness of Finland offered Sweden a chance to take over the geopolitically vital Finnish Åland Islands, east of Stockholm, but the German army's Finland operation stalled this plan.[149]

Intervención alemáEditar

 
German soldiers with an MG 08 machine gun in Helsinki after the surrender of the Red Guard headquarters in Smolna.

In March 1918, the German Empire intervened in the Finnish Civil War on the side of the White Army. Finnish activists leaning on Germanism had been seeking German aid in freeing Finland from Soviet hegemony since late 1917, but because of the pressure they were facing at the Western Front, the Germans did not want to jeopardise their armistice and peace negotiations with the Soviet Union. The German stance changed after 10 February when Leon Trotsky, despite the weakness of the Bolsheviks' position, broke off negotiations, hoping revolutions would break out in the German Empire and change everything. On 13 February, the German leadership decided to retaliate and send military detachments to Finland too. As a pretext for aggression, the Germans invited "requests for help" from the western neighbouring countries of Russia. Representatives of White Finland in Berlin duly requested help on 14 February.[150]

The Imperial German Army attacked Russia on 18 February. The offensive led to a rapid collapse of the Soviet forces and to the signing of the first Treaty of Brest-Litovsk by the Bolsheviks on 3 March 1918. Finland, the Baltic countries, Poland and Ukraine were transferred to the German sphere of influence. The Finnish Civil War opened a low-cost access route to Fennoscandia, where the geopolitical status was altered as a British Naval squadron invaded the Soviet harbour of Murmansk by the Arctic Ocean on 9 March 1918. The leader of the German war effort, General Erich Ludendorff, wanted to keep Petrograd under threat of attack via the Vyborg-Narva area and to install a German-led monarchy in Finland.[151]

On 5 March 1918, a German naval squadron landed on the Åland Islands (in mid-February 1918, the islands had been occupied by a Swedish military expedition, which departed from there in May). On 3 April 1918, the 10,000-strong Baltic Sea Division (alemán: Ostsee-Division), led by General Rüdiger von der Goltz, launched the main attack at Hanko, west of Helsinki. It was followed on 7 April by Colonel Otto von Brandenstein's 3,000-strong Detachment Brandenstein (alemán: Abteilung-Brandenstein) taking the town of Loviisa east of Helsinki. The larger German formations advanced eastwards from Hanko and took Helsinki on 12–13 April, while Detachment Brandenstein overran the town of Lahti on 19 April. The main German detachment proceeded northwards from Helsinki and took Hyvinkää and Riihimäki on 21–22 April, followed by Hämeenlinna on 26 April. The final blow to the cause of the Finnish Reds was dealt when the Bolsheviks broke off the peace negotiations at Brest-Litovsk, leading to the German eastern offensive in February 1918.[152]

Enfrontamentos decisivosEditar

Batalla de TampereEditar

Artigo principal: Batalla de Tampere.
 
Unburied bodies of the Reds at Kalevankangas cemetery after the Battle of Tampere

In February 1918, General Mannerheim deliberated on where to focus the general offensive of the Whites. There were two strategically vital enemy strongholds: Tampere, Finland's major industrial town in the south-west, and Vyborg, Karelia's main city. Although seizing Vyborg offered many advantages, his army's lack of combat skills and the potential for a major counterattack by the Reds in the area or in the south-west made it too risky.[153]

Mannerheim decided to strike first at Tampere. He launched the main assault on 16 March 1918, at Längelmäki 65 km (40 mi) north-east of the town, through the right flank of the Reds' defence. At the same time, the Whites attacked through the north-western frontline VilppulaKuru–Kyröskoski–Suodenniemi. Although the Whites were unaccustomed to offensive warfare, some Red Guard units collapsed and retreated in panic under the weight of the offensive, while other Red detachments defended their posts to the last and were able to slow the advance of the White troops. Eventually, the Whites lay siege to Tampere. They cut off the Reds' southward connection at Lempäälä on 24 March and westward ones at Siuro, Nokia, and Ylöjärvi on 25 March.[154]

The Battle for Tampere was fought between 16,000 White and 14,000 Red soldiers. It was Finland's first large-scale urban battle and one of the four most decisive military engagements of the war. The fight for the area of Tampere began on 28 March, on the eve of Easter 1918, later called "Bloody Maundy Thursday", in the Kalevankangas cemetery. The White Army did not achieve a decisive victory in the fierce combat, suffering more than 50 percent losses in some of their units. The Whites had to re-organise their troops and battle plans, managing to raid the town centre in the early hours of 3 April.[155]

After a heavy, concentrated artillery barrage, the White Guards advanced from house to house and street to street, as the Red Guards retreated. In the late evening of 3 April, the Whites reached the eastern banks of the Tammerkoski rapids. The Reds' attempts to break the siege of Tampere from the outside along the Helsinki-Tampere railway failed. The Red Guards lost the western parts of the town between 4 and 5 April. The Tampere City Hall was among the last strongholds of the Reds. The battle ended 6 April 1918 with the surrender of Red forces in the Pyynikki and Pispala sections of Tampere.[155]

The Reds, now on the defensive, showed increased motivation to fight during the battle. General Mannerheim was compelled to deploy some of the best-trained Jäger detachments, initially meant to be conserved for later use in the Vyborg area. The Battle of Tampere was the bloodiest action of the Civil War. The White Army lost 700–900 men, including 50 Jägers, the highest number of deaths the Jäger battalion suffered in a single battle of the 1918 war. The Red Guards lost 1,000–1,500 soldiers, with a further 11,000–12,000 captured. 71 civilians died, mainly due to artillery fire. The eastern parts of the city, consisting mostly of wooden buildings, were completely destroyed.[156]

Batalla de HelsinquiEditar

Artigo principal: Batalla de Helsinqui.

After peace talks between Germans and the Finnish Reds were broken off on 11 April 1918, the battle for the capital of Finland began. At 05:00 on 12 April, around 2,000–3,000 German Baltic Sea Division soldiers, led by Colonel Hans von Tschirsky und von Bögendorff, attacked the city from the north-west, supported via the Helsinki-Turku railway. The Germans broke through the area between Munkkiniemi and Pasila, and advanced on the central-western parts of the town. The German naval squadron led by Vice Admiral Hugo Meurer blocked the city harbour, bombarded the southern town area, and landed Seebataillon marines at Katajanokka.[157]

Around 7,000 Finnish Reds defended Helsinki, but their best troops fought on other fronts of the war. The main strongholds of the Red defence were the Workers' Hall, the Helsinki railway station, the Red Headquarters at Smolna, the Senate PalaceHelsinki University area and the former Russian garrisons. By the late evening of 12 April, most of the southern parts and all of the western area of the city had been occupied by the Germans. Local Helsinki White Guards, having hidden in the city during the war, joined the battle as the Germans advanced through the town.[158]

On 13 April, German troops took over the Market Square, the Smolna, the Presidential Palace and the Senate-Ritarihuone area. Toward the end, a German brigade with 2,000–3,000 soldiers, led by Colonel Kondrad Wolf joined the battle. The unit rushed from north to the eastern parts of Helsinki, pushing into the working-class neighborhoods of Hermanni, Kallio and Sörnäinen. German artillery bombarded and destroyed the Workers' Hall and put out the red lantern of the Finnish revolution. The eastern parts of the town surrendered around 14:00 on 13 April, when a white flag was raised in the tower of the Kallio Church. Sporadic fighting lasted until the evening. In total, 60 Germans, 300–400 Reds and 23 White Guard troopers were killed in the battle. Around 7,000 Reds were captured. The German army celebrated the victory with a military parade in the centre of Helsinki on 14 April 1918.[159]

Batalla de LahtiEditar

Artigo principal: Batalla de Lahti.

On 19 April 1918, Detachment Brandenstein took over the town of Lahti. The German troops advanced from the east-southeast via Nastola, through the Mustankallio graveyard in Salpausselkä and the Russian garrisons at Hennala. The battle was minor but strategically important as it cut the connection between the western and eastern Red Guards. Local engagements broke out in the town and the surrounding area between 22 April and 1 May 1918 as several thousand western Red Guards and Red civilian refugees tried to push through on their way to Russia. The German troops were able to hold major parts of the town and halt the Red advance. In total, 600 Reds and 80 German soldiers perished, and 30,000 Reds were captured in and around Lahti.[160]

Batalla de ViipuriEditar

Artigo principal: Batalla de Viipuri.

After the defeat in Tampere, the Red Guards began a slow retreat eastwards. As the German army seized Helsinki, the White Army shifted the military focus to Vyborg area, where 18,500 Whites advanced against 15,000 defending Reds. General Mannerheim's war plan had been revised as a result of the Battle for Tampere, a civilian, industrial town. He aimed to avoid new, complex city combat in Vyborg, an old military fortress. The Jäger detachments tried to tie down and destroy the Red force outside the town. The Whites were able to cut the Reds' connection to Petrograd and weaken the troops on the Karelian Isthmus on 20–26 April, but the decisive blow remained to be dealt in Vyborg. The final attack began on late 27 April with a heavy Jäger artillery barrage. The Reds' defence collapsed gradually, and eventually the Whites conquered Patterinmäki—the Reds' symbolic last stand of the 1918 uprising—in the early hours of 29 April 1918. In total, 400 Whites died, and 500–600 Reds perished and 12,000–15,000 were captured.[161]

Terror Branco e VermelloEditar

 
A White firing squad executing two Red soldiers in Kiviniemi, the Karelian Isthmus

Both Whites and Reds carried out political violence through executions, respectively termed White Terror (finés: valkoinen terrori; sueco: vit terror) and Red Terror (finés: punainen terrori; sueco: röd terror). The threshold of political violence had already been crossed by the Finnish activists during the First Period of Russification. Large-scale terror operations were born and bred in Europe during World War I, the first total war. The February and October Revolutions initiated similar violence in Finland: at first by Russian army troops executing their officers, later between the Finnish Reds and Whites.[162]

The terror consisted of a calculated aspect of general warfare and, on the other hand, the local, personal murders and corresponding acts of revenge. In the former, the commanding staff planned and organised the actions and gave orders to the lower ranks. At least a third of the Red terror and most of the White terror was centrally led. In February 1918, a Desk of Securing Occupied Areas was implemented by the highest-ranking White staff, and the White troops were given Instructions for Wartime Judicature, later called the Shoot on the Spot Declaration. This order authorised field commanders to execute essentially anyone they saw fit. No order by the less-organised, highest Red Guard leadership authorising Red Terror has been found. The paper was "burned" or the command was oral.[163]

The main goals of the terror were to destroy the command structure of the enemy; to clear and secure the areas governed and occupied by armies; and to create shock and fear among the civil population and the enemy soldiers. Additionally, the common troops' paramilitary nature and their lack of combat skills drove them to use political violence as a military weapon. Most of the executions were carried out by cavalry units called Flying Patrols, consisting of 10 to 80 soldiers aged 15 to 20 and led by an experienced, adult leader with absolute authority. The patrols, specialised in search and destroy operations and death squad tactics, were similar to German Sturmbattalions and Russian Assault units organized during World War I. The terror achieved some of its objectives but also gave additional motivation to fight against an enemy perceived to be inhuman and cruel. Both Red and White propaganda made effective use of their opponents' actions, increasing the spiral of revenge.[164]

 
Red Terror in April 1918: the Vyborg county jail massacre, where 30 White prisoners were killed[165]

The Red Guards executed influential Whites, including politicians, major landowners, industrialists, police officers, civil servants and teachers as well as White Guards. Ten priests of the Evangelical Lutheran Church and 90 moderate socialists were killed. The number of executions varied over the war months, peaking in February as the Reds secured power, but March saw low counts because the Reds could not seize new areas outside of the original frontlines. The numbers rose again in April as the Reds aimed to leave Finland. The two major centres for Red Terror were Toijala and Kouvola, where 300–350 Whites were executed between February and April 1918.[166]

The White Guards executed Red Guard and party leaders, Red troops, socialist members of the Finnish Parliament and local Red administrators, and those active in implementing Red Terror. The numbers varied over the months as the Whites conquered southern Finland. Comprehensive White Terror started with their general offensive in March 1918 and increased constantly. It peaked at the end of the war and declined and ceased after the enemy troops had been transferred to prison camps. During the high point of the executions, between the end of April and the beginning of May, 200 Reds were shot per day. White Terror was decisive against Russian soldiers who assisted the Finnish Reds, and several Russian non-socialist civilians were killed in the Vyborg massacre, the aftermath of the Battle of Vyborg.[167]

In total, 1,650 Whites died as a result of Red Terror, while around 10,000 Reds perished by White Terror, which turned into political cleansing. White victims have been recorded exactly, while the number of Red troops executed immediately after battles remains unclear. Together with the harsh prison-camp treatment of the Reds during 1918, the executions inflicted the deepest mental scars on the Finns, regardless of their political allegiance. Some of those who carried out the killings were traumatised, a phenomenon that was later documented.[168]

FinalEditar

On 8 April 1918, after the defeat in Tampere and the German army intervention, the People's Delegation retreated from Helsinki to Vyborg. The loss of Helsinki pushed them to Petrograd on 25 April. The escape of the leadership embittered many Reds, and thousands of them tried to flee to Russia, but most of the refugees were encircled by White and German troops. In the Lahti area they surrendered on 1–2 May.[169] The long Red caravans included women and children, who experienced a desperate, chaotic escape with severe losses due to White attacks. The scene was described as a "road of tears" for the Reds, but for the Whites, the sight of long, enemy caravans heading east was a victorious moment. The Red Guards' last strongholds between the Kouvola and Kotka area fell by 5 May, after the Battle of Ahvenkoski. The war of 1918 ended on 15 May 1918, when the Whites took over Fort Ino, a Russian coastal artillery base on the Karelian Isthmus, from the Russian troops. White Finland and General Mannerheim celebrated the victory with a large military parade in Helsinki on 16 May 1918.[169]

The Red Guards had been defeated. The initially pacifist Finnish labour movement had lost the Civil War, several military leaders committed suicide and a majority of the Reds were sent to prison camps. The Vaasa Senate returned to Helsinki on 4 May 1918, but the capital was under the control of the German army. White Finland had become a protectorate of the German Empire and General Rüdiger von der Goltz was called "the true Regent of Finland". No armistice or peace negotiations were carried out between the Whites and Reds and an official peace treaty to end the Finnish Civil War was never signed.[170]

NotasEditar

  1. finés: Suomen sisällissota; sueco: Finska inbördeskriget; ruso: Гражданская война в Финляндии; alemán: Finnischer Bürgerkrieg. Outros nomes: Guerra de Brethren, Guerra Cidadá, Guerra de clases, Guerra da liberdade, Rebelión Vermella e Revolución[7]. Segundo 1.005 entrevistas realizadas polo xornal Aamulehti, os nomes máis populares son os seguintes: Guerra Civil 29%, Guerra Cidadá 25%, Guerra de clases 13%, Guerra da liberdade 11%, Rebelión Vermella 5%, Revolución 1%, outro nome 2% e sen resposta 14%, [8]
  2. Durante séculos, a área xeográfica dos finlandeses foi unha parte firme do desenvolvemento sueco como un gran imperio nórdico. Coa excepción da lingua (o territorio finlandés pasou a ser bilingüe), a cultura da xente non difería substancialmente entre as partes orientais e occidentais de Suecia, dominadas pola administración sueca e a común Igrexa Luterana.
  3. En contraste cos desenvolvementos na Europa central e Rusia, as políticas do réxime sueco non resultaron nunha autoridade económica, política e social das clases altas baseadas nas propiedades feudais e no capital. O campesiñado gozou dunha relativa liberdade, sen tradición de servidume, e o poderío dos estamentos preeminentes estaba delimitado pola interacción entre a formación do estado e a industrialización. A industria forestal foi un sector vital para Finlandia e os campesiños posuían a maior parte dos terreos forestais. Estas consideracións económicas deron lugar ao nacemento da Fennomania entre as clases altas sueco falantes.[44][45][41][42][22]
  4. A loita polo dereito ao voto tivo dúas vertentes. Había unha disputa acerca do dominio da lingua finesa ou sueca entre a alianza do clero campesiño e a nobreza burguesa, e unha loita pola democracia parlamentaria entre o movemento obreiro e as elites dominantes. O clero campesiño apoiou o dereito de sufraxio universal no sistema de clases, para así aumentar a influencia da poboación de fala finesa entre os estamentos sociais do país. Porén, a a nobreza detivo os seus plans. [49][50][51][52][53][54] [55][56][41][42][57][58][22].
  5. O aumento do poder político da esquerda atraeu a parte da intelligentsia finlandesa cara eles, principalmente aos Fennomans do partido vello finlandés: Julius Ailio, Edvard Gylling, Martti Kovero, Otto-Ville Kuusinen, Kullervo Manner, Hilja Pärssinen, Hannes Ryömä, Yrjö Sirola, Väinö Tanner, Karl H. Wiik, Elvira Willman, Väinö Voionmaa, Sulo Wuolijoki, Wäinö Wuolijoki –chamados os socialistas de novembro de 1905–.[59] [60][61][41][62][22]
  6. Tamén había algúns bolxeviques en Finlandia. O bolxevismo fíxose popular entre os traballadores industriais que emigraron a Petrogrado a finais do século XIX. O partido finlandés e o Partido Fennoman Constitucional eran descendentes dos antigos partidos Fennoman.[74][75][61]
  7. En 1917–1918, o pobo finlandés aínda estaba baixo a sombra do trauma da fame de 1867–1868 famine, na cal arredor de 200 000 persoas morreron por malnutrición e enfermidades epidémicas, causadas por un cambio climático repentino cunha diminución da temperatura do aire durante a tempada de crecemento.[82][84][85][86][22][87][88][89]
  8. A debilidade de Rusia enfatizou a importancia da área finlandesa como zona de amortiguamento que protexía Petrogrado.[90][91][64][92][93][98][79][95][96][22]
  9. O papel da clase alta de fala sueca foi significativo, debido á súa longa traxectoria de influencia sobre a economía, a industria, a administración e o exército. Xurdiu unha batalla polo poder entre os socialistas máis á esquerda e os elementos máis á dereita dos conservadores de fala sueca. O problema lingüístico non era tan fundamental como as diferencias sociais, xa que moitos traballadores de fala sueca uníronse aos Vermellos. [102][103][104][105][106][107][108][58][22]
Referencias
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  109. Os bolxeviques recibiron 15 millóns de marcos de Berlín logo da Revolución de Outubro, mais a autoridade de Lenin era feble e Rusia viuse envolta nunca guerra civil que centrou todas as actividades militares, políticas e económicas do país. Keränen et al. 1992, p. 36, Pipes 1996, pp. 113–149, Lackman 2000, pp. 86–95, Lackman 2009, pp. 48–57, McMeekin 2017, pp. 125–136
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  113. A pesar das negociacións de paz entre Rusia e Alemaña, os alemáns acordaron vender 70 000 rifles e 70 metralladoras, así como artillaría aos Brancos e asegurar o regreso seguro dobatallón Jäger a Finlandia. As armas alemás foron transportadas a Finlandia entre febreiro e marzo de 1918, Upton 1980, pp. 195–263, Keränen et al. 1992, pp. 59, 63, 66, 68, 98, Manninen 1993b, pp. 96–177, Manninen* 1993b, pp. 393–395
  114. Os socialistas planearon solicitar aos bolxeviques que aceptaran a soberanía de Finlandia cun manifesto, mais a situación incerta en Petrogrado dativo o plano. Upton 1980, pp. 256–342, Ketola 1987, pp. 368–384, Keränen et al. 1992, p. 66, Jyränki 2014, pp. 18–38
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  116. Ao principio da Revolución de Outubro, o Comité de Distrito Ruso en Finlandia foi o primeiro en rexeitar a autoridade do Goberno Provisional. O comentario pesimista de Lenin do 27 de xaneiro de 1918 ao bolxevique finlandés Eino Rahja é ben coñecido: "Non camarada Rahja, desta vez non gañará a túa campaña, porque tes o poder dos Socialdemócratas en Finlandia". Upton 1980, pp. 264–342, Ketola 1987, pp. 368–384, Rinta-Tassi 1989, pp. 83–161, Keränen et al. 1992, p. 70, Siltala 2014, pp. 51–89
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  119. Keränen et al. 1992, pp. 67, 70, Haapala 1995, pp. 235–237
  120. Os activistas apuntaban tamén a un Gran Ducado Finlandés gobernado por Alemaña ou Suecia. Ata 1914, Finlandia exportaba produtos forestais e metálicos refinados a Rusia e aserradoiros e produtos de madeira en xeral a Europa Occidental. A primeira guerra mundial curtou as exportacións a occidente e dirixiu a maior parte do comercio de guerra a Rusia. En 1917, as exportacións a Rusia colapsaron e, logo de 1919, os finlandeses reorientáronse cara o mercado occidental debido á gran demanda de produtos que seguiu á Gran Guerra. Alapuro 1988, pp. 89–100, Haapala 1995, pp. 49–73, 156–159, 243–245, Klinge 1997, pp. 483–524, Jussila 2007, pp. 9–10, 181–182, 203–204, 264–276, Kalela 2008a, pp. 15–30, Kuisma 2010, pp. 13–81, Meinander 2010, pp. 108–173, Ahlbäck 2014, pp. 254–293, Haapala 2014, pp. 21–50, Lackman 2014, pp. 216–250, Siltala 2014, pp. 51–89, Hentilä & Hentilä 2016, pp. 15–40, Keskisarja 2017, pp. 13–74
  121. Keränen et al. 1992, p. 79
  122. A visión inicial de Svinhufvud era que o Senado lideraría a Finlandia e o proceso de independencia cunha chamada a un rexente; non habería conversas cos bolxeviques, xa que crían que estes non liberarían a unha Finlandia non socialista. A visión dos socialistas era que o Parlamento debía liderar a Finlandia e que a independencia se conseguiría dun xeito máis sinxelo a través de negociacións cun goberno bolxevique feble que con outros partidos da Asemblea Constituínte Rusa, Upton 1980, pp. 343–382, Keränen et al. 1992, pp. 73, 78, Manninen 1993c, Jutikkala 1995, pp. 11–20, Haapala 2014, pp. 21–50, Jyränki 2014, pp. 18–38
  123. O Consello de Comisarios do Pobo bolxevique ratificou o recoñecemento o 4 de xaneiro de 1918. Upton 1980, pp. 343–382, Keränen et al. 1992, pp. 79, 81, Keskisarja 2017, pp. 13–74
  124. Francia rompeu relacións diplomáticas co goberno Branco a finais de 1918, debido a cooperación dos drancos con Alemaña, Upton 1980, pp. 343–382, Keränen et al. 1992, pp. 80, 81, Pietiäinen 1992, pp. 252–403
  125. Upton 1980, pp. 390–515, Lappalainen 1981a, pp. 15–65, 177–182, Manninen* 1993c, pp. 398–432, Hoppu 2009a, pp. 92–111, Siltala 2014, pp. 51–89, Tikka 2014, pp. 90–118
  126. Upton 1980, pp. 390–515, Keränen et al. 1992, pp. 80–89, Manninen 1993b, pp. 96–177, Manninen* 1993c, pp. 398–432, Westerlund 2004b, pp. 175–188, Tikka 2014, pp. 90–118
  127. The Reds won the battle and gained 20,000 rifles, 30 machine guns, 10 cannons and 2 armoured vehicles. In total, the Russians delivered 20,000 rifles from the Helsinki and Tampere depots to the Reds. The Whites captured 14,500 rifles, 90 machine guns, 40 cannons and 4 mortars from the Russian garrisons. Some Russian army officers sold their unit's weapons both to the Reds and the Whites. Upton 1980, pp. 390–515, Lappalainen 1981a, pp. 15–65, 177–182, Klemettilä 1989, pp. 163–203, Keränen et al. 1992, pp. 80–89, Manninen 1993b, pp. 96–177, Manninen* 1993c, pp. 398–432, Tikka 2014, pp. 90–118
  128. Attempts at sustaining peace and neutrality between socialist and non-socialists were made in January 1918 by agreements at a local level, e.g. in Muurame, Savonlinna and Teuva, Kallioinen 2009, pp. 1–146
  129. Keränen et al. 1992, pp. 91–101
  130. The "ideological father" of the socialists, Karl Kautsky, disapproved of the Finnish Red Revolution. Kautsky, an opponent of Lenin, supported a reformist policy. Rinta-Tassi 1986, pp. 417–429, Keränen et al. 1992, pp. 88, 102, Piilonen 1993, pp. 486–627, Jussila, Hentilä & Nevakivi 1999, pp. 108, Suodenjoki 2009a, pp. 246–269, Payne 2011, pp. 25–32, Siltala 2014, pp. 51–89
  131. Upton 1981, pp. 262–265, Pietiäinen 1992, pp. 252–403, Manninen 1995, pp. 21–32
  132. After the Russian Civil War, a gradually resurgent Russia recaptured many of the nations that had become independent in 1918. Upton 1981, pp. 255–278, Klemettilä 1989, pp. 163–203, Keränen et al. 1992, pp. 94, 106, Pietiäinen 1992, pp. 252–403, Manninen 1993c, Manninen 1995, pp. 21–32, Jussila 2007, pp. 276–282
  133. Upton 1981, pp. 62–68, Vares 1998, pp. 38–46, 56–115, Vares 2009, pp. 376–394, Haapala 2014, pp. 21–50
  134. The fall of the Russian Empire, the October revolt and Finnish Germanism had placed Gustaf Mannerheim in a controversial position. He opposed the Finnish and Russian Reds, as well as Germany, through alliance with Russian White officers who, in turn, did not support independence of Finland. Keränen et al. 1992, pp. 102, 142, Manninen 1995, pp. 21–32, Klinge 1997, pp. 516–524, Lackman 2000, Westerlund 2004b, pp. 175–188, Meinander 2012, pp. 7–47, Roselius 2014, pp. 119–155
  135. Eerola 2010, pp. 123–165
  136. White-supporting women demanded the establishment of female White Guards. Mannerheim stalled the plan, but some women were drafted as soldiers. Lappalainen 1981a, pp. 154–176, Haapala 1993, Manninen 1993b, pp. 96–177, Manninen 1995, pp. 21–32, Vares 1998, pp. 85–106, Lintunen 2014, pp. 201–229, Tikka 2014, pp. 90–118, Hoppu 2017, pp. 269–274
  137. Tikka 2006, pp. 25–30, 141–152
  138. Lappalainen 1981a, pp. 182
  139. Lappalainen 1981a, pp. 177–205, Ylikangas 1993a, pp. 15–21, Manninen 1995, pp. 21–32, Tikka 2014, pp. 90–118
  140. Lappalainen 1981a, pp. 177–205, Upton 1981, pp. 227–255, Tikka 2014, pp. 90–118
  141. Some Female Red Guard platoons were active in combat along the Alvettula–Hauho–Syrjäntaka–Lahti line. Upton 1981, pp. 227–255, Lappalainen 1981a, pp. 130–135 Lappalainen 1981b, pp. 233–236, Arimo 1991, pp. 70–81, Hoppu 2017, pp. 181–202
  142. Upton 1980b, pp. 415–422, Lappalainen 1981a, pp. 154–176, Upton 1981, pp. 265–278, Keränen et al. 1992, p. 89, Manninen 1995, pp. 21–32, Westerlund 2004b, pp. 175–188, Jussila 2007, pp. 276–291, Hoppu 2009b, pp. 112–143,Tikka 2014, pp. 90–118
  143. Mannerheim promised those officers who co-operated their personal freedom, while many of those opposing the Whites were executed. Some Red Russian officers were executed by the Finnish Reds after the bitter defeat in the Battle for Tampere. Lappalainen 1981a, pp. 154–176, Upton 1981, pp. 265–278, Keränen et al. 1992, p. 89, Manninen 1995, pp. 21–32, Westerlund 2004b, pp. 175–188, Hoppu 2008a, pp. 188–199, Hoppu 2009b, pp. 112–143, Muilu 2010, pp. 9–86, Tikka 2014, pp. 90–118
  144. The Russian Bolsheviks declared war against White Finland after the Whites attacked Soviet garrisons in Finland. Upton 1981, pp. 259–262, Manninen 1993c, Aunesluoma & Häikiö 1995, p. 98, Manninen 1995, pp. 21–32, Tikka 2014, pp. 90–118
  145. 145,0 145,1 Upton 1981, pp. 62–144, Roselius 2006, pp. 151–160, Lackman 2009, pp. 48–57, Tikka 2014, pp. 90–118
  146. Upton 1980, pp. 9–50, Alapuro 1988, pp. 40–51, 74–77, Haapala 1993, Ylikangas 1993b, Haapala 1995, pp. 90–92, Jussila 2007, pp. 264–291, Lackman 2009, pp. 48–57
  147. The economy of Ostrobothnia declined, due to weak industrialisation after the ending of commercial tar production and grain exports to Sweden. The fall led to political and religious conservatism, and emigration to the United States in the wake of rapid population growth. Upton 1980, pp. 9–50, Alapuro 1988, pp. 40–51, 74–77, Haapala 1993, Ylikangas 1993b, Haapala 1995, pp. 90–92
  148. Swedish Germanism included an idea of "Greater Sweden", with plans to take over the Finnish area. Klinge 1997, pp. 483–524, Lindqvist 2003, pp. 705–719, Lackman 2014, pp. 216–250
  149. On 31 December 1917, the people of Åland proclaimed by a 57% majority their will to integrate the islands with the Kingdom of Sweden. The question of controlling Åland became a dispute between Sweden and Finland after World War I.Upton 1981, pp. 990–120, Keränen et al. 1992, pp. 79, 97, Klinge 1997, pp. 483–524, Lindqvist 2003, pp. 705–719, Hoppu 2009b, p. 130, Lackman 2014, pp. 216–250
  150. On 7 March, the representatives E. Hjelt and R. Erich signed disadvantageous German-Finnish agreements and promised to pay costs of the German military assistance. Arimo 1991, pp. 8–18, 87–92, Keränen et al. 1992, p. 108, Jussila, Hentilä & Nevakivi 1999, p. 117, Meinander 2012, pp. 7–47, Hentilä & Hentilä 2016, pp. 41–70
  151. The Murmansk–Petrograd Kirov Railway was deployed in 1916. Upton 1981, pp. 62–144, Keränen et al. 1992, p. 108, Lackman 2009, pp. 48–57, Roselius 2014, pp. 119–155, Hentilä & Hentilä 2016, pp. 41–70
  152. Upton 1981, pp. 369–424, Arimo 1991, pp. 41–44, Keränen et al. 1992, p. 97, Ahto 1993, pp. 180–445, Jussila, Hentilä & Nevakivi 1999, p. 117, Lackman 2009, pp. 48–57, Hentilä & Hentilä 2016, pp. 117–196
  153. Ahto 1993, pp. 180–445
  154. Ahto 1993, pp. 180–445, Ylikangas 1993a, pp. 103–295, 429–443, Aunesluoma & Häikiö 1995, pp. 92–97
  155. 155,0 155,1 Lappalainen 1981b, pp. 144–148, 156–170, Ahto 1993, pp. 180–445, Ylikangas 1993a, pp. 103–295, 429–443, Aunesluoma & Häikiö 1995, pp. 92–97, Hoppu 2008b, pp. 96–161, Tikka 2014, pp. 90–118
  156. Upton 1981, pp. 317–368, Ahto 1993, pp. 180–445, Ylikangas 1993a, pp. 103–295, 429–443, Aunesluoma & Häikiö 1995, pp. 92–97, Hoppu 2008b, pp. 96–161, Tikka 2014, pp. 90–118
  157. The Russian Navy in Helsinki harbour remained neutral during the battle and the fleet sailed to Kronstadt during 10–13 April as a consequence of 5 April German-Russian Hanko agreement. Initially, the Reds agreed to surrender and Colonel von Tshirsky intended to send a minor unit with a marching band and film-making group to Helsinki. Lappalainen 1981b, pp. 174–184, Arimo 1991, pp. 44–61, Pietiäinen 1992, pp. 252–403, Ahto 1993, pp. 384–399, Meinander 2012, pp. 7–47, Hoppu 2013, pp. 124–392
  158. Lappalainen 1981b, pp. 174–184, Arimo 1991, pp. 44–61, Ahto 1993, pp. 384–399, Aunesluoma & Häikiö 1995, pp. 100–102, Hoppu 2013, pp. 124–392
  159. Lappalainen 1981b, pp. 174–184, Arimo 1991, pp. 44–61,Ahto 1993, pp. 384–399, Aunesluoma & Häikiö 1995, pp. 100–102, Kolbe & Nyström 2008, pp. 76–94, Hoppu 2013, pp. 124–392
  160. Lappalainen 1981b, pp. 194–201, Arimo 1991, pp. 61–70, Ahto 1993, pp. 399–410, Aunesluoma & Häikiö 1995, pp. 104–105, Roselius 2004, pp. 165–176, Roselius 2006, pp. 89–91
  161. Upton 1980b, pp. 486–512, Lappalainen 1981b, pp. 201–226, Upton 1981, pp. 391–400, 424–442, Ahto 1993, pp. 411–437, Aunesluoma & Häikiö 1995, p. 112, Roselius 2006, pp. 139–147, Hoppu 2009c, pp. 199–223, Keskisarja 2013, pp. 232–309, Tikka 2014, pp. 90–118
  162. Upton 1980, pp. 219–243, Keränen et al. 1992, p. 52, Uola 1998, pp. 11–30, Haapala & Tikka 2013, pp. 72–84, Tikka 2014, pp. 90–118
  163. Tikka 2006, pp. 69–138, Tikka 2014, pp. 90–118
  164. Tikka 2006, pp. 19–38, 69–138, 141–158, Haapala & Tikka 2013, pp. 72–84, Tikka 2014, pp. 90–118
  165. Keskisarja 2013, pp. 290–301
  166. Paavolainen 1966, pp. 183–208, Keränen et al. 1992, p. 105, Eerola & Eerola 1998, pp. 59, 91, Westerlund 2004a, p. 15, Tikka 2006, pp. 25–32, 69–100, 141–146, 157–158, Huhta 2009, pp. 7–14, Tikka 2014, pp. 90–118
  167. Around 350 Red women – mainly troops – were executed, 200 of them in Lahti. Sexual violence against women, Red women in particular, is a long-term taboo subject. The number of reliable literary sources is negligible, while the number of unreliable oral sources is high. Paavolainen 1967, Keränen et al. 1992, pp. 121, 138, Eerola & Eerola 1998, pp. 59, 91, Westerlund 2004a, p. 15, Tikka 2006, pp. 25–32, 69–81, 103–138, 141–146, 157–158, Haapala & Tikka 2013, pp. 72–84, Keskisarja 2013, pp. 312–386, Lintunen 2014, pp. 201–229, Tikka 2014, pp. 90–118, Hoppu 2017, pp. 269–274
  168. 56 "Red" children, including eleven girls, and seven "White" children (including two girls), were executed outside battles. After 1918, a historical myth was created: the victors' overall acts were legal, while those of the defeated faction were illegal. Modern historians assert that the attempt at lawful and moral justification for violence in civil war, by either side, leads to bias, distortion and the decay of society.Paavolainen 1966, pp. 183–208, Paavolainen 1967, Keränen et al. 1992, pp. 121, 138, Eerola & Eerola 1998, pp. 59, 91, Westerlund 2004a, p. 15, Tikka 2006, pp. 19–30, Jyränki 2014, pp. 150–188, Pekkalainen 2014, pp. 49–68, Tikka 2014, pp. 90–118, Kekkonen 2016, pp. 106–166, 287–356
  169. 169,0 169,1 Keränen et al. 1992, pp. 123–137
  170. Keränen et al. 1992, pp. 123–137, Jussila 2007, pp. 190–191, Kolbe & Nyström 2008, pp. 144–155, Hentilä & Hentilä 2016, pp. 11–14, 197–203

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