Usuario:AMPERIO/Páxina de Probas: Diferenzas entre revisións

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Liña 31:
 
===Coronation and marriage===
[[FileFicheiro:Edward II - British Library Royal 20 A ii f10 (detail).jpg|thumbminiatura|alt=Picture of Edward II being crowned|Edward II shown receiving the English crown in a contemporary illustration]]
Edward I mobilised another army for the Scottish campaign in 1307, which Prince Edward was due to join that summer, but the elderly King had been increasingly unwell and died on 7 July at [[Burgh by Sands]].<ref name="Phillips 2011 123">{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=123}}</ref> Edward travelled from London immediately after the news reached him, and on 20 July he was proclaimed king.<ref name=Phillips2011PP125/> He continued north into Scotland and on 4 August received homage from his Scottish supporters at [[Dumfries]], before abandoning the campaign and returning south.<ref name=Phillips2011PP125>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=125–126}}</ref> Edward promptly recalled Piers Gaveston, who was then in exile, and appointed him as the [[Earl of Cornwall]], before arranging his marriage to the wealthy Margaret de Clare.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=126–127}}</ref>{{refn|Despite Edward appointing Piers Gaveston as the Earl of Cornwall in 1307, Edward's [[Chancery (medieval office)|chancery]] declined to recognise him as such until 1309.<ref>{{harvnb|Chaplais|1994|p=53}}</ref>|group="nb"}} Edward also arrested his old adversary Bishop Langton, and dismissed him from his post as treasurer.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=129}}</ref> Edward I's body was kept at [[Waltham Abbey Church|Waltham Abbey]] for several months before being taken for burial to Westminster, where Edward erected a simple [[marble]] tomb for his father.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=131}}</ref>{{refn|The story that Edward I had asked his son to swear to boil his body, bury the flesh and take bones on campaign in Scotland was a later invention.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=123}}; {{harvnb|Prestwich|1988|p=557}}.</ref>|group="nb"}}
 
Liña 41:
 
===Tensions over Gaveston===
[[FileFicheiro:Philip iv and family.jpg|thumbminiatura|alt=Painting of Philip V and family|[[Isabella of France]], third from left, with her father, [[Philip IV of France]], centre]]
Gaveston's return from exile in 1307 was initially accepted by the barons, but opposition quickly grew.<ref>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2003|p=74}}; {{harvnb|Rubin|2006|p=31}}</ref> He appeared to have an excessive influence on royal policy, leading to complaints from one chronicler that there were "two kings reigning in one kingdom, the one in name and the other in deed".<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=135–137}}</ref> Accusations, probably untrue, were levelled at Gaveston that he had stolen royal funds and had purloined Isabella's wedding presents.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=136–138}}</ref> Gaveston had played a key role at Edward's coronation, provoking fury from both the English and French contingents about the earl's ceremonial precedence and magnificent clothes, and about Edward's apparent preference for Gaveston's company over that of Isabella at the feast.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=144–146}}; {{harvnb|Chaplais|1994|p=44}}</ref>
 
Liña 69:
 
===Tensions with Lancaster and France===
[[FileFicheiro:Trojka kralove.jpg|thumbminiatura|alt=Painting of Edward at a knighting ceremony|Edward (left) and Philip IV at the knighting ceremony of [[Notre Dame de Paris|Notre Dame]], 1312]]
Reactions to the death of Gaveston varied considerably.<ref name="Chaplais 1994 89">{{harvnb|Chaplais|1994|p=89}}</ref> Edward was furious and deeply upset over what he saw as the murder of Gaveston; he made provisions for Gaveston's family, and intended to take revenge on the barons involved.<ref>{{harvnb|Chaplais|1994|p=82}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=192}}</ref> The earls of Pembroke and Surrey were embarrassed and angry about Warwick's actions, and shifted their support to Edward in the aftermath.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=191}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=86}}</ref> To Lancaster and his core of supporters, the execution had been both legal and necessary to preserve the stability of the kingdom.<ref name="Chaplais 1994 89"/> Civil war again appeared likely, but in December, the Earl of Pembroke negotiated a potential peace treaty between the two sides, which would pardon the opposition barons for the killing of Gaveston, in exchange for their support for a fresh campaign in Scotland.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=193–196, 199–200}}</ref> Lancaster and Warwick, however, did not give the treaty their immediate approval, and further negotiations continued through most of 1313.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=206–208}}</ref>
 
Liña 77:
 
===Battle of Bannockburn===
[[FileFicheiro:Battle from Holkham Bible.jpg|thumbminiatura|upright|alt=Sketch of the Battle of Bannockburb|Depiction of the [[Battle of Bannockburn]] in 1314 from the Holkham Bible]]
{{main article|Battle of Bannockburn}}
By 1314, Robert the Bruce had recaptured most of the [[Scottish castles|castles in Scotland]] once held by Edward, pushing raiding parties into northern England as far as [[Carlisle, Cumbria|Carlisle]].<ref name=Phillips2011PP223>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=223–224}}</ref> In response, Edward planned a major military campaign with the support of Lancaster and the barons, mustering a large army between 15,000 and 20,000 strong.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=225–227}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=94}}</ref> Meanwhile, Robert had besieged Stirling Castle, a key fortification in Scotland; its English commander had stated that unless Edward arrived by 24 June, he would surrender.<ref name=Phillips2011PP223/> News of this reached the King in late May, and he decided to speed up his march north from [[Berwick-upon-Tweed|Berwick]] to relieve the castle.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=223, 227–228}}</ref> Robert, with between 5,500 and 6,500 troops, predominantly [[spearmen]], prepared to prevent Edward's forces from reaching Stirling.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=228–229}}</ref>
Liña 111:
 
===Edward and the Despensers===
[[FileFicheiro:Philippe4 eduard2 ludvikNavarra.jpg|thumbminiatura|alt=painting of Edward hunting|Edward (third from the left) hunting with Philip IV]]
Edward punished Lancaster's supporters through a system of special courts across the country, with the judges instructed in advance how to sentence the accused, who were not allowed to speak in their own defence.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=410–411}}</ref> Many of these so-called "Contrariants" were simply executed, and others were imprisoned or fined, with their lands seized and their surviving relatives detained.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=411–413}};; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=144}}</ref> The Earl of Pembroke, whom Edward now mistrusted, was arrested and only released after pledging all of his possessions as [[Collateral (finance)|collateral]] for his own loyalty.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=425}}</ref> Edward was able to reward his loyal supporters, especially the Despenser family, with the confiscated estates and new titles.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=417}}</ref> The fines and confiscations made Edward rich: almost £15,000 was brought in during the first few months, and by 1326, Edward's treasury contained £62,000.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=419}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=151}}</ref> A parliament was held at York in March 1322 at which the Ordinances were formally revoked through the [[Statute of York]], and fresh taxes agreed for a new campaign against the Scots.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=423–425}}</ref>
 
Liña 127:
 
===Rift with Isabella===
[[FileFicheiro:Isabela Karel Eda.jpg|thumbminiatura|upright|alt=Painting of Edward III giving homage|The future [[Edward III of England|Edward III]] giving homage in 1325 to Charles IV under the guidance of Isabella of France]]
Isabella, with Edward's envoys, carried out negotiations with the French in late March.<ref name=Phillips2011P472>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=472}}</ref> The negotiations proved difficult, and they arrived at a settlement only after Isabella personally intervened with her brother, Charles.<ref name=Phillips2011P472/> The terms favoured the French crown: in particular, Edward would give homage in person to Charles for Gascony.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=472–473}}</ref> Concerned about the consequences of war breaking out once again, Edward agreed to the treaty but decided to give Gascony to his son, Edward, and sent the prince to give homage in Paris.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=473–476}}</ref> The young Prince Edward crossed the English Channel and completed the bargain in September.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=479}}</ref>{{refn|Edward's lawyers put forward various arguments in the dispute with the French kings. One line of argument stemmed from the 1259 treaty agreed by Edward's grandfather, Henry III, under which Henry had agreed to give homage for Gascony; Edward's lawyers observed that this treaty, which underpinned Edward's 1303 treaty with France, had been a bilateral agreement between the two kings, rather than a conventional feudal agreement. As such, Edward's offering homage for Gascony was dependent on the French crown delivering on its own commitments, rather than an absolute duty. Edward's lawyers also argued that Isabella had a potential claim to the lands in the south under customary French law. When granting Gascony to Isabella, Phillip IV appeared to have been dividing up his lands, as was customary at the time, rather than giving a conditional grant, which meant that Gascony was an [[allod]], Edward's personal property, and as such not subject to the French King's laws on the carrying of weapons or money.<ref>{{harvnb|Hallam|Everard|2001|pp=322, 387}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=19–20, 305–306}}</ref>|group="nb"}}
 
Liña 138:
===Invasion===
{{main article|Invasion of England (1326)}}
[[FileFicheiro:Replica of Oxwich Brooch.jpg|thumbminiatura|upright|alt=Photograph of replica Oxwich Brooch|Replica of the [[Oxwich Castle#The Oxwich Brooch|Oxwich Brooch]], probably owned by Edward and looted during the events of 1326<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=519}}</ref>]]
During August and September 1326, Edward mobilised his defences along the coasts of England to protect against the possibility of an invasion either by France or by Roger Mortimer.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=501–502}}</ref> Fleets were gathered at the ports of [[Portsmouth]] in the south and [[River Orwell|Orwell]] on the east coast, and a raiding force of 1,600 men was sent across the English Channel into [[Normandy]] as a diversionary attack.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=502}}</ref> Edward issued a nationalistic appeal for his subjects to defend the kingdom, but with little impact.<ref>{{harvnb|Ruddick|2013|p=205}}</ref> The regime's hold on power at the local level was fragile, the Despensers were widely disliked, and many of those Edward entrusted with the defence of the kingdom proved incompetent, or promptly turned against the regime.<ref>{{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=160–164, 174–175}}</ref> Some 2,000 men were ordered to gather at Orwell to repel any invasion, but only 55 appear to have actually arrived.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=501, 504}}</ref>
 
Liña 149:
===Abdication===
{{Main|Parliament of 1327}}
[[FileFicheiro:Eduard2 arest.jpg|thumbminiatura|upright|alt=Painting of Isabella capturing Edward|A 15th-century depiction of Isabella capturing Edward]]
Isabella and Mortimer rapidly took revenge on the former regime. Hugh Despenser the Younger was put on trial, declared a traitor and sentenced to be disembowelled, castrated and quartered; he was duly executed on 24 November 1326.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=516–518}}</ref> Edward's former chancellor, Robert Baldock, died in [[Fleet Prison]]; the Earl of Arundel was beheaded.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=516}}</ref> Edward's position, however, was problematic; he was still married to Isabella and, in principle, he remained the king, but most of the new administration had a lot to lose were he to be released and potentially regain power.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=520–522}}</ref>
 
Liña 159:
 
===Death and aftermath===
[[FileFicheiro:Edward II's cell - geograph.org.uk - 585477.jpg|thumbminiatura|upright|alt=Photograph of walkway in Berkeley Castle|Covered-walkway leading to a cell within [[Berkeley Castle]], by tradition associated with Edward's imprisonment]]
 
Those opposed to the new government began to make plans to free Edward, and Roger Mortimer decided to move Edward to the more secure location of [[Berkeley Castle]] in [[Gloucestershire]], where the former King arrived around 5 April 1327.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=542–543}}</ref> Once at the castle, Edward was kept in the custody of Mortimer's son-in-law, [[Thomas de Berkeley, 3rd Baron Berkeley|Thomas Berkeley]], and [[John Maltravers, 1st Baron Maltravers|John Maltravers]], who were given £5 a day for Edward's maintenance.<ref name=Phillips2011P541>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=541}}</ref> It is unclear how well cared for Edward was; the records show luxury goods being bought on his behalf, but some chroniclers suggest that he was often mistreated.<ref name=Phillips2011P541/> A poem, the ''[[Lament of Edward II]]'', was once thought to have been written by Edward during his imprisonment, although modern scholarship has cast doubt on this.<ref name=Poemdetails>{{harvnb|Galbraith|1935|p=221}}; {{harvnb|McKisack|1959|p=2}}; {{harvnb|Smallwood|1973|p=528}}; {{harvnb|Valente|2002|p=422}}</ref>{{refn|For a sceptical comment, see [[Vivian Hunter Galbraith|Vivian Galbraith]]; [[May McKisack]] reserved judgement, noting that "if he was indeed the author of the Anglo-Norman lament ascribed to him, he knew something of versification;" M. Smallwood feels that "the authorship question has not been settled"; Claire Valente writes "I think it unlikely that Edward II wrote the poem".<ref name=Poemdetails/>|group="nb"}}
Liña 165:
Concerns continued to be raised over fresh plots to liberate Edward, some involving the Dominican order and former household knights, and one such attempt got at least as far as breaking into the prison within the castle.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=543–544}}</ref> As a result of these threats, Edward was moved around to other locations in secret for a period, before returning to permanent custody at the castle in the late summer of 1327.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=546–547}}</ref> The political situation remained unstable, and new plots appear to have been formed to free him.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=547}}</ref>
 
On 23 September Edward III was informed that his father had died at Berkeley Castle during the night of 21 September.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=548}}</ref> Most historians agree that Edward II did die at Berkeley on that date, although there is a minority view, described below, that he died much later.<ref name=MainstreamList/>{{refn|Mainstream historical interpretations of Edward's death include those of Seymour Phillips, who argues that it is "likely that he was murdered, probably by suffocation"; Roy Haines who suggests that the King was probably murdered and that "there is little reason to doubt that Edward of Caernarfon's corpse has remained there [Gloucester Cathedral] undisturbed since December 1327 or thereabouts"; Mira Rubin, who concludes that Edward may have been murdered; Michael Prestwich, who has "no doubt" that Mortimer plotted to murder Edward II, and that he "almost certainly died at Berkeley"; Joe Burden, who believes that Mortimer issued orders for Edward to be killed, and that the King was buried at Gloucester; Mark Ormrod, who argues that Edward was probably murdered, and is buried at Gloucester; Jeffrey Hamilton, who finds the argument that Edward survived Berkeley "fantastic"; and Chris Given-Wilson, who believes it is "almost certainly&nbsp;... true" that Edward died on the night of 21 September and was murdered.<ref name=MainstreamList>{{harvnb|Rubin|2006|pp=54–55}}; {{harvnb|Prestwich|2003|p=88}}; {{harvnb|Burden|2004|p=16}}; {{harvnb|Ormrod|2004|p=177}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=563}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=198, 226, 232}}; {{harvnb|Given-Wilson|1996|p=33}}; {{harvnb|Hamilton|2010|p=133}}; {{citeCita web | url=http://www.the-tls.co.uk/tls/reviews/history/article750063.ece | title=Holy Fool |mode=cs2 | accessdate=22 April 2014 | last1= Given-Wilson | first1= Chris | website=Times Literary Supplement | publisher=Times Literary Supplement | date = 9 July 2010 }}</ref>|group="nb"}} Edward's death was, as Mark Ormrod notes, "suspiciously timely", as it simplified Mortimer's political problems considerably, and most historians believe that Edward probably was murdered on the orders of the new regime, although it is impossible to be certain.<ref>{{harvnb|Ormrod|2004|p=177}}</ref> Several of the individuals suspected of involvement in the death, including Sir Thomas Gurney, Maltravers and William Ockley, later fled.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=572–576}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=235–236}}</ref>{{refn|Thomas Berkeley was spared by Edward III, after a jury concluded in 1331 that he had not been involved in the killing of the late King. The same jury found that William Ockley and Edward Gurney had been responsible for the death. Ockley was not heard of again, but Gurney fled and was pursued across Europe, where he was captured in Naples; he died as he was being returned to England. John Maltravers was not formally accused of murdering Edward II but left for Europe and from there contacted Edward III, possibly to make a deal over what he knew about the events of 1327; after a period in exile he was ultimately pardoned and given permission to return to England in 1345.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=575–576}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=236–237}}</ref>|group="nb"}} If Edward died from natural causes, his death may have been hastened by [[Major depressive disorder|depression]] following his imprisonment.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=563}}</ref>
 
The rule of Isabella and Mortimer did not last long after the announcement of Edward's death. They made peace with the Scots in the [[Treaty of Northampton]], but this move was highly unpopular.<ref>{{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=198–199}}</ref> Isabella and Mortimer both amassed, and spent, great wealth, and criticism of them mounted.<ref>{{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=199–200}}</ref> Relations between Mortimer and the young Edward III became strained and in 1330 the King conducted a ''[[coup d'état]]'' at [[Nottingham Castle]].<ref>{{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=214–216}}</ref> He arrested Mortimer and then executed him on fourteen charges of treason, including the murder of Edward&nbsp;II.<ref>{{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=216–217}}</ref> Edward III's government sought to blame Mortimer for all of the recent problems, effectively politically rehabilitating the late King.<ref>{{harvnb|Ormrod|2004|pp=177–178}}</ref> The King spared Isabella, giving her a generous allowance, and she soon returned to public life.<ref>{{harvnb|Rubin|2006|pp=55–56}}</ref>
 
===Burial and cult===
[[FileFicheiro:Edward ll tomb - geograph.org.uk - 1704667.jpg|thumbminiatura|alt=Photograph of Edward's tomb|Edward II's tomb at [[Gloucester Cathedral]]]]
Edward's body was [[Embalming|embalmed]] at Berkeley Castle, where it was viewed by local leaders from Bristol and Gloucester.<ref>{{harvnb|Burden|2004|p=16}}</ref> It was then taken to [[Gloucester Abbey]] on 21 October, and on 20 December Edward was buried by the [[high altar]], the funeral having probably been delayed to allow Edward III to attend in person.<ref>{{harvnb|Duffy|2003|p=118}}; {{harvnb|Burden|2004|pp=18–19}}</ref>{{refn|The historian Joel Burden notes that this delay in burial was not unusual for the period; the bodies of many other royalty, including Edward I and Isabella of France, remained unburied for a similar period.<ref>{{harvnb|Duffy|2003|p=118}}</ref>|group="nb"}} Gloucester was probably chosen because other abbeys had refused or been forbidden to take the King's body, and because it was close to Berkeley.<ref>{{harvnb|Duffy|2003|p=118}}; {{harvnb|Burden|2004|p=19}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=228–229}}</ref>{{refn|Although it was normal for Westminster Abbey to be used to bury English monarchs by the 14th century, the practice was not as formalised as it later became.<ref>{{harvnb|Burden|2004|p=20}}</ref>|group="nb"}} The funeral was a grand affair and cost £351 in total, complete with gilt lions, standards painted with [[gold leaf]] and oak barriers to manage the anticipated crowds.<ref>{{harvnb|Burden|2004|pp=16–17, 25}}</ref> Edward III's government probably hoped to put a veneer of normality over the recent political events, increasing the legitimacy of the young King's own reign.<ref>{{harvnb|Burden|2004|pp=25–27}}</ref>
 
A temporary wooden [[effigy]] with a copper crown was made for the funeral; this is the first known use of a funeral effigy in England, and was probably necessary because of the condition of the King's body, which had been dead for three months.<ref>{{harvnb|Duffy|2003|pp=106, 119}}; {{harvnb|Burden|2004|p=21}}</ref> Edward's heart was removed, placed in a silver container, and later buried with Isabella at [[Christ Church Greyfriars|Newgate Church]] in London.<ref>{{harvnb|Duffy|2003|p=119}}</ref> His tomb includes a very early example of an English [[alabaster]] effigy, with a [[Chest tomb|tomb-chest]] and a canopy made of [[oolite]] and [[Purbeck stone]].<ref name=Duffy2003PP119GloucesterWebsite>{{harvnb|Duffy|2003|pp=119, 122}}; {{citeCita web | url=http://www.gloucestercathedral.org.uk/index.php?page=edward-ii-tomb | title=Edward II Tomb|mode=cs2 | accessdate=22 April 2014 | publisher=Gloucester Cathedral | year = 2014 }}</ref> Edward was buried in the shirt, [[coif]] and gloves from his coronation, and his effigy depicts him as king, holding a [[sceptre]] and [[Globus cruciger|orb]], and wearing a strawberry-leaf crown.<ref>{{harvnb|Duffy|2003|pp=106, 119}}</ref> The effigy features a pronounced lower lip, and may be a close likeness of Edward.<ref>{{harvnb|Duffy|2003|p=121}}</ref>{{refn|Earlier scholarship had argued that the effigy on the tomb was an idealised carving, although more recent work has put more emphasis on its likely resemblance to Edward II.<ref>{{harvnb|Duffy|2003|p=121}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=229}}</ref>|group="nb"}}
 
The King's tomb rapidly became a popular site for visitors, probably encouraged by the local monks, who lacked an existing pilgrimage attraction.<ref>{{harvnb|Duffy|2003|pp=119, 122}}; {{harvnb|Ormrod|2004|pp=177–178}}.</ref> Visitors donated extensively to the abbey, allowing the monks to rebuild much of the surrounding church in the 1330s.<ref name=Duffy2003PP119GloucesterWebsite/> Miracles reportedly took place at the tomb, and modifications had to be made to enable visitors to walk around it in larger numbers.<ref>{{harvnb|Duffy|2003|p=122}}; {{citeCita web | url=http://www.gloucestercathedral.org.uk/index.php?page=edward-ii-tomb | title=Edward II Tomb|mode=cs2 | accessdate=22 April 2014 | publisher=Gloucester Cathedral | year = 2014 }}</ref> The chronicler [[Geoffrey the Baker|Geoffrey de Baker]] depicted Edward as a saintly, tortured [[martyr]], and [[Richard II of England|Richard II]] gave royal support for an unsuccessful bid to have Edward [[Canonization|canonised]] in 1395.<ref>{{harvnb|Duffy|2003|p=122}}; {{harvnb|Ormrod|2004|p=179}}</ref> The tomb was opened by officials in 1855, uncovering a wooden coffin, still in good condition, and a sealed lead coffin inside it.<ref>{{harvnb|Duffy|2003|p=123}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=232}}</ref> The tomb remains in what is now [[Gloucester Cathedral]], and was extensively restored between 2007 and 2008 at a cost of over £100,000.<ref>{{citeCita web | url=http://www.the-tls.co.uk/tls/reviews/history/article750063.ece | title=Edward II Tomb|mode=cs2 | accessdate=22 April 2014 | publisher=Gloucester Cathedral | year = 2014 }}</ref>
 
{{Anchor|Controversial death}}
Liña 183:
Controversy rapidly surrounded Edward's death.<ref>{{harvnb|Rubin|2006|p=55}}</ref> With Mortimer's execution in 1330, rumours began to circulate that Edward had been murdered at Berkeley Castle. Accounts that he had been killed by the insertion of a red-hot iron or [[Fire iron|poker]] into his [[anus]] slowly began to circulate, possibly as a result of deliberate propaganda; chroniclers in the mid-1330s and 1340s spread this account further, supported in later years by [[Geoffrey le Baker]]'s colourful account of the killing.<ref>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2003|p=88}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=562}}; {{harvnb|Ormrod|2006|pp=37–38}}; {{harvnb|Mortimer|2004|pp=191–194}}</ref> It became incorporated into most later histories of Edward, typically being linked to his possible homosexuality.<ref>{{harvnb|Ormrod|2006|pp=37–39}}</ref> Most historians now dismiss this account of Edward's death, querying the logic in Edward's captors murdering him in such an easily detectable fashion.<ref>{{harvnb|Mortimer|2004|pp=193–194}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=563}}</ref>{{refn|Initial sources either did not suggest that Edward had been murdered at all, or suggested that he had been suffocated or strangled. The first sources to begin to successfully popularise the "anal rape" narrative were the longer ''Brut'' and ''Polychronicon'' chronicles in the mid-1330s and 1340s respectively. One of Edward's biographers, Seymour Phillips, notes that while the hot iron story could be true, it is much more likely that he was suffocated, noting that the account of the red hot iron seems suspiciously similar to earlier accounts of the murder of King [[Edmund Ironside]]; the similarities to this earlier story are also highlighted by Ian Mortimer and Pierre Chaplais. His other biographer, Roy Haines, makes no reference at all to the red hot poker story. Ian Mortimer, who argues that Edward did not die in 1327, naturally disputes the "anal rape" story. Paul Doherty notes that modern historians take the "lurid description of Edward's death with more than a pinch of salt". Michael Prestwich has noted that most of Geoffrey le Baker's story "belongs to the world of romance rather than of history", but has also noted that Edward "very possibly" died from the insertion of a red hot iron.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=562–564}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003}}; {{harvnb|Mortimer|2006|pp=51, 55}}; {{harvnb|Doherty|2004|p=131}}; {{harvnb|Prestwich|2007|p=219}}</ref>|group="nb"}}
 
Another set of theories surround the possibility that Edward did not really die in 1327. These theories typically involve the "[[Fieschi Letter]]", sent to Edward III by an Italian priest called Manuel Fieschi, who claimed that Edward escaped Berkeley Castle in 1327 with the help of a servant and ultimately retired to become a hermit in the [[Holy Roman Empire]].<ref>{{harvnb|Doherty|2004|pp=185–188}}</ref> The body buried at Gloucester Cathedral was said to be that of the porter of Berkeley Castle, killed by the assassins and presented by them to Isabella as Edward's corpse to avoid punishment.<ref>{{harvnb|Doherty|2004|pp=186–188}}</ref> The letter is often linked to an account of Edward III meeting with a man called William the Welshman in [[Antwerp]] in 1338, who claimed to be Edward II.<ref>{{harvnb|Doherty|2004|p=213}}</ref> Some parts of the letter's content are considered broadly accurate by historians, although other aspects of its account have been criticised as implausible.<ref>{{harvnb|Doherty|2004|pp=189–208}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=222–229}}</ref> A few historians have supported versions of its narrative. [[Paul C. Doherty|Paul Doherty]] questions the veracity of the letter and the identity of William the Welshman, but nonetheless has suspicions that Edward may have survived his imprisonment.<ref>{{harvnb|Doherty|2004|pp=213–217}}</ref> The [[Popular history|popular historian]] [[Alison Weir]] believes the events in the letter to be essentially true, using the letter to argue that Isabella was innocent of murdering Edward.<ref>{{harvnb|Weir|2006|pp=285–291}}</ref> The historian [[Ian Mortimer (historian)|Ian Mortimer]] suggests that the story in Fieschi's letter is broadly accurate, but argues that it was in fact Mortimer and Isabella who had Edward secretly released, and who then faked his death, a fiction later maintained by Edward III when he came to power.<ref>{{harvnb|Mortimer|2005}}; {{harvnb|Mortimer|2008|pp=408–410}}</ref> Ian Mortimer's account was criticised by most scholars when it was first published, in particular by historian [[David Carpenter (historian)|David Carpenter]].<ref>{{harvnb|Mortimer|2008|p=408}}; {{citeCita web|url=http://www.lrb.co.uk/v29/n11/david-carpenter/what-happened-to-edward-ii |title=What Happened to Edward II? | last=Carpenter| first= David| publisher=Lrb.co.uk |accessdate=20 April 2014| date = 7 June 2007}}</ref>{{refn|For a critique of the theory that Edward II survived his imprisonment, see David Carpenter's review in the ''London Review of Books'', and Roy Haines's biography of the King.<ref>{{citeCita web|url=http://www.lrb.co.uk/v29/n11/david-carpenter/what-happened-to-edward-ii |title=What Happened to Edward II? | last=Carpenter| first= David| publisher=Lrb.co.uk |accessdate=20 April 2014| date = 7 June 2007}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=234–237}}</ref>|group="nb"}}
 
==Edward as king==
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===Court===
[[FileFicheiro:Cambridge 1575 colour Trinity College.jpg|thumbminiatura|upright|alt=Detail of 1575 map|1575 map showing the [[King's Hall, Cambridge|King's Hall]] (top left) founded by Edward]]
Edward's royal court was itinerant, travelling around the country with the King.<ref>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2006|p=64}}</ref> When housed in Westminster Palace, the court occupied a complex of two halls, seven chambers and three [[chapel]]s, along with other smaller rooms, but, due to the Scottish conflict, the court spent much of its time in Yorkshire and Northumbria.<ref>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2006|pp=64–65}}; {{harvnb|Rubin|2006|p=33}}</ref> At the heart of the court was Edward's royal household, in turn divided into the "hall" and the "chamber"; the size of the household varied over time, but in 1317 was around 500 strong, including household knights, squires, kitchen and transport staff.<ref>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2006|p=63}}</ref> The household was surrounded by a wider group of courtiers, and appears to have also attracted a circle of prostitutes and criminal elements.<ref>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2006|pp=63, 65}}</ref>
 
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===Historiography===
[[FileFicheiro:Oriel College Charter.jpg|thumbminiatura|alt=Photograph of medieval charter|[[Oriel College]]'s 1326 charter from Edward]]
No chronicler for this period is entirely trustworthy or unbiased, often because their accounts were written to support a particular cause, but it is clear that most contemporary chroniclers were highly critical of Edward.<ref>{{harvnb|Chaplais|1994|p=5}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=36–39}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=9}}</ref> The ''[[Polychronicon]]'', ''[[Vita Edwardi Secundi]]'', ''Vita et Mors Edwardi Secundi'' and the ''Gesta Edwardi de Carnarvon'' for example all condemned the King's personality, habits and choice of companions.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=9–14}}</ref> Other records from his reign show criticism of Edward by his contemporaries, including the Church and members of his own household.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=15–17}}</ref> [[Political song]]s were written about him, complaining about his failure in war and his oppressive government.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=17–19}}</ref> Later in the 14th century, some chroniclers, such as Geoffrey le Baker and [[Thomas Ringstead]], rehabilitated Edward, presenting him as a martyr and a potential saint, although this tradition died out in later years.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=22–23}}</ref>
 
Historians in the 16th and 17th centuries focused on Edward's relationship with Gaveston, drawing comparisons between Edward's reign and the events surrounding the relationship of the [[Jean Louis de Nogaret de La Valette|Duc d'Épernon]] and [[Henry III of France]], and between the [[George Villiers, 1st Duke of Buckingham|Duke of Buckingham]] and [[Charles I of England|Charles I]].<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=24–25}}</ref> In the first half of the 19th century, popular historians such as [[Charles Dickens]] and [[Charles Knight (publisher)|Charles Knight]] popularised Edward's life with the [[Victorian era|Victorian public]], focusing on the King's relationship with his favourites and, increasingly, alluding to his possible homosexuality.<ref>{{harvnb|Horne|1999|pp=34–35}}</ref> From the 1870s onwards, however, open academic discussion of Edward's sexuality was circumscribed by changing English values. By the start of the 20th century, English schools were being advised by the government to avoid overt discussion of Edward's personal relationships in history lessons.<ref>{{harvnb|Horne|1999|pp=32, 40–41}}</ref> Views on Edward's sexuality have continued to develop over the years.<ref name="Prestwich 2003 72"/>
 
By the end of the 19th century, more administrative records from the period had become available to historians such as [[William Stubbs]], [[Thomas Frederick Tout|Thomas Tout]] and J. C. Davies, who focused on the development of the English constitutional and governmental system during his reign.<ref name=WaughPhillipsP241>{{harvnb|Waugh|1991|p=241}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=29}}</ref> Although critical of what they regarded as Edward's inadequacies as a king, they also emphasised the growth of the role of parliament and the reduction in personal royal authority under Edward II, which they perceived as positive developments.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=29}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=35–36}}</ref> During the 1970s the historiography of Edward's reign shifted away from this model, supported by the further publishing of records from the period in the last quarter of the 20th century.<ref name=WaughPhillipsP241/> The work of Jeffrey Denton, Jeffrey Hamilton, [[John Maddicott]] and [[J. R. S. Phillips|Seymour Phillips]] re-focused attention on the role of the individual leaders in the conflicts.<ref>{{harvnb|Waugh|1991|p=241}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=29–30}}</ref> With the exceptions of Hilda Johnstone's work on Edward's early years, and [[Natalie Fryde]]'s study of Edward's final years, the focus of the major historical studies for several years was on the leading magnates rather than Edward himself, until substantial biographies of the King were published by [[Roy Martin Haines|Roy Haines]] and Seymour Phillips in 2003 and 2011.<ref>{{harvnb|Hamilton|2006|p=5}}; {{harvnb|Alexander|1985|p=103}}; {{harvnb|Waugh|1991|p=241}}; {{harvnb|Schofield|2005|p=1295}}; {{citeCita web | url=http://www.the-tls.co.uk/tls/reviews/history/article750300.ece | title=Holy Fool |mode=cs2 | accessdate=26 June 2014 | last1= Given-Wilson | first1= Chris | website=Times Literary Supplement | publisher=Times Literary Supplement | date = 9 July 2010 }}</ref>
 
=== Referencias culturais ===
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==References==
{{ReflistListaref|30em}}